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lines of his address. He was entertained at dinner; and after dinner he told his friends, in a brilliant and most able speech, that he had a very distinct and intelligible policy on Church matters; that he was quite willing to abolish Church Rates, but that in doing so, he must see his way to some substitute, as for example, Peel's proposal to create in their stead a charge on the Consolidated Fund. Turning from the Church to the Poor Laws, he declared himself the uncompromising opponent of the Whig measure-the cruellest and most heartless which even the apostles of laissez faire had at that time produced. That law, it should be remarked, was at no time a popular enactment, and when it was first put into force, it was worked with great harshness. Complaints were universal, not merely from the poor, who were the principal sufferers, but from magistrates, agriculturists, and the middle classes. Crime had greatly increased, especially in the rural districts; and the offences of rick-burning and machinery-breaking were in many instances. traced to the exceptional harshness with which the Poor Law was administered. Lord Beaconsfield had taken a prominent part in the agitation against this enactment. As he reminded his audience on this occasion, he was the first county magistrate in England to sign a petition against it, and it was his hand which drew up the first petition of the kind ever presented to Parliament. The ground of his opposition was that the measure was based upon an erroneous conception of the rights of the people. The framers of this act had gone upon the assumption that poor relief was of the nature of charity: Lord. Beaconsfield and the Democratic Tory party contended that such relief is a matter of right. The lands of the monasteries were, in fact, if not in name, the property of the poor, and if

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they were alienated for the aggrandisement of the "great families," the duty of maintaining the poor fell upon those families. How this view was afterwards enforced in his literary work, and how it influenced his political action, will speedily be seen. The rest of the speech was a bold and vigorous defence of his own consistency, and a reply to the attacks based upon the famous O'Connell correspondence by the Maidstone Whigs. The only point calling for notice is, however, the stress which the speaker laid upon the fact that he had from the first been. consistent; and that that fact was evidenced by the circumstances of the contest of 1832, "when there was not a Conservative gentleman in the neighbourhood but was my supporter, not a clergyman but wished me success, not a farmer of respectability but was found in my procession."

The election was carried on with great enthusiasm, and the partizans of Colonel Perronet Thompson left no stone unturned to ensure his success. The trick of representing the Queen as personally interested in the success of the Whigs, which has been so often and so unscrupulously adopted in later years, was put in practice on this occasion to an extent which created a good deal of indignation among those to whom election tricks are not familiar. It was said also that intimidation was practised on a very large scale, the Liberal employers of labour putting stringent pressure on their work-people to support their own candidate. Had Colonel Thompson been elected there were, according to one of the local papers, at least thirty persons whose votes could be proved to have been extorted under pressure. Another little device was also resorted to -that of putting up a sham candidate, in the person of Mr. Erskine Perry, at three o'clock on the day of the polling. The

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popular feeling was too strong, however, and the event proved that Mr. Robarts, who had represented Maidstone in the liberal interest in seven successive parliaments, had estimated the situation correctly when he retired before the nomination day. Colonel Thompson was, perhaps, as good a candidate as could be obtained. He was a Kentish man, and an unquestionably able one. His personal character was unblemished, and his weight and influence as editor of the Westminster Review would have insured him a respectful hearing in the House whenever he chose to speak. But the country was weary of Whig domination and Whig mismanagement, disgusted with the incompetence of the Melbourne ministry, and anxious for a change of some kind. Maidstone represented the all but universal feeling by returning two Tories, instead of allowing the representation to be divided. The poll closed at four o'clock, and the numbers were then seen to be conclusive. Mr. Wyndham Lewis, as was natural-he having represented the borough for a considerable time-was at the head of the poll with 782 votes, Mr. Disraeli followed with 668, and then came Colonel Thompson with 529, and the "bogus" candidate, Mr. Erskine Perry, with 25. The victory was complete. No attempt was made to impeach the return, and, in due course, Lord Beaconsfield commenced his long career in the House of Commons as Member for Maidstone.

CHAPTER III.

MEMBER FOR MAIDSTONE.

Meeting of the New Parliament-An Irish debate-Mr. Disraeli's maiden speech - Not a failure-Watches his opportunities-Session of 1839-Supports removal of restrictions on theatres in Lent-Household Suffrage-EducationPopular discontent-The "Condition of England"-The old and the new Poor Law-Malthus-The Poor Law Commission-Cholesbury, the "frightful example "The Bill-Working of the new Poor Law-Workhouse plans ---Popular discontent-Wages lower rather than higher after the introduction of the new system-Sufferings of the Peasantry-The state of the Black Country-Retirement of Lord Melbourne-The Bed-Chamber Plot-Unpopularity of the Queen-Chartism-Attwood's speech in the House Popular dissatisfaction with the contempt of the House for the great Chartist petition—Mr. Disraeli supports the petition and retorts on Lord John Russell-The country "on the verge of civil war"-Riots at Birmingham -At Hyde-At Newport-Trial of the rioters-Opening of ParliamentQueen's speech-Lord Melbourne and Robert Owen-Mr. Disraeli speaks on the Address-Peels winds up the debate-Lord Melbourne still in office --Government defeats-Mr. Disraeli on the New Police Bill-Chartist prisoners-Mr. Disraeli on the side of mercy-Chartist petitions--The Chartists oppose the repeal of the Corn Laws-Vote of want of confidence in the Ministry-Mr. Disraeli's speech-Prorogation and dissolution-Mr. Disraeli breaks with Maidstone-Mr. Austin's privileged libel-Declines to stand for Wycombe-Elected for Shrewsbury.

"WE shall meet at Philippi," had been the parting challenge of "Disraeli the Younger" to the big beggarman O'Connell. And meet they did. The first parliament of the present reign assembled on the 15th of November, and was opened by commission in the usual way. Mr. Abercromby was re-elected Speaker, and on the 20th the Queen made the accustomed

An Irish Debate.

declaration, and delivered the usual speech.

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Debates on

the Address followed, but no opportunity was afforded for an encounter with O'Connell until the 7th of December, when an Irish debate was raised on the motion of Mr. Smith O'Brien. He had been returned for the county of Limerick, but his seat had been made the subject of a petition. In order that this petition might not fail for want of means, a subscription was got up by its promoters, and amongst the subscribers were certain English members of Parliament. Sir Francis Burdett in particular distinguished himself by a contribution of £20, and the Protestants generally had contributed somewhat largely. Smith O'Brien was naturally extremely indignant, and presented a petition of his own on the subject. After a somewhat excited speech, he moved "that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the allegations contained in the petition presented by William Smith O'Brien, complaining of the subscriptions which had been raised to encourage the presentation of petitions against Irish members, and of the conduct of a member of the House in having contributed to such subscription." The debate was a very lively one. Mr. Bulwer delivered himself of an able speech in support of the petition, in which he pointed out that Burdett had himself denounced such subscriptions as a breach of privilege. He was followed by Follett, who defended the subscription on the ground that Smith O'Brien was as much a representative of the people of England as of the electors of Limerick,"-a plain constitutional doctrine which it would seem to be impossible to induce the Irish mind to appreciate. Then followed O'Connell, who, having soldered up his feud with the Whigs, turned his kindly atten