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CHAPTER XXVIII.

FROM THE FALL OF YORKTOWN TO THE PEACE.

HE news of the fall of Yorktown and the surrender of the army of Virginia, was received everywhere in America with the greatest delight; in England the depression which it created, was correspondingly profound. Congress voted its thanks to Washington, to Rochambeau, to De Grasse, and generally to the officers of the allied armies. As mementoes of the victory, two stands of captured colors were voted to Washington, and two pieces of ordnance, each, to the French military and naval commanders. The country for a time went wild with joy, and assumed that the war was in fact already over. Washington retained his equipoise, recognized the necessity of providing for possible future operations, and, after a hasty visit to Mount Vernon, betook himself to Philadelphia, there to use his influence with Congress to secure the strengthening of the army, and guard against the danger of over security. While on his way to Philadelphia, he was present at the death-bed of John Parke Custis, son of Mrs. Washington by her former marriage. Mr. Custis left a widow and four young children, and Washington adopted two of these,-a boy and a girl,—as his own, and removed them to his childless home. The son, John Parke Custis, Jr., subsequently became the biographer of his step-father.

Washington remained in Philadelphia four months. During the intervening time the military committee of Congress adopted his views, and made unusual provision for the organization of an army, and arrangements to secure additional financial aid from France. The execution of the project for army reorganization fell, as usual, far short of the expectation of Congress. The colonies had fallen into an apathy which might have resulted most seriously, had hostilities been renewed. During the month of March the commander in chief set out for the camp of his army at Newburg, where he remained some time, busy with multitudinous administrative duties.

It was while there, that arose a painful question which much resembled in principle that as to the punishment of Major Andre, though it resulted more fortunately. A company of New Jersey people captured a New York Cow Boy," named Philip White, and, while conducting him to jail, he attempted to escape, and was killed. Shortly after, Captain Joseph Huddy, a whig partisan, held prisoner of war in New York, was taken into New Jersey by a party of refugees, headed by Captain Lippencott, and hanged, his breast bearing a placard, on which were inscribed the words: "Up goes Huddy for Philip White." Washington at once demanded of Sir Henry Clinton, the surrender of Lippencott for punishment. This was refused, Clinton, however, promising to investigate the matter and punish the officer should he be found guilty. Washington determined upon retaliation, and ordered that there be selected by lot from among the British captains, held as prisoners of war, one who should die, to atone for the death of Huddy. The lot fell upon Captain Asgill, a youth of but nineteen years, whose amiability had made him a favorite alike with his comrades and cap

tors.

In the meantime Sir Guy Carleton succeeded Clinton in the command of New York, and one of Captain Asgill's fellow-officers solicited permission to go to him, and urge the surrender of Lippencott. This was allowed, Washington, at the same time, saying that, deeply as he was pained by the necessity, nothing but the surrender of Lippencott could save the unfortunate and innocent Asgill. The matter remained undetermined for a long time; eventually Lippencott was tried by a British court-martial, and acquitted, it appearing that he acted under the verbal orders of Governor Franklin, president of the board of associated loyalists. This changed the aspect of the case, and Washington laid the whole matter before Congress, recommending at the same time that Asgill's life be spared. Pending a decision, he placed the young officer upon parole. Before any determination of the case was reached, there came to Washington a request for Asgill's life, sent by the Count de Vergennes, French minister of war, by the direction of the king and queen, who had been greatly moved by the grief of Lady Asgill, mother of the prisoner. This was sufficient to turn the tide in his favor, and save him from the gibbet, much to the relief of Washington and every other person conversant with the circumstances.

The advent of Sir Guy Carleton, to which reference has been made, occurred early in May, Sir Henry Clinton having been permitted, at his own request, to return to England, that he might set himself right before parliament, by explaining the disaster of the final campaign in America. Carleton, immediately upon his arrival, sent Washington notice of the fact that he, as commander of the British forces in America, and Admiral Digby, constituted a peace commission, and, at the same time, sent copies of the proceedings of parliament, looking to the establishment of peace, or

of a truce with the colonies.

Nothing had as yet taken definite legal form, and the distrust of the sincerity of the peace professions, which had been constantly present in the mind of Washington, while it was weakened, was not removed, and he bent every effort toward maintaining the integrity of the army. This was no light task, for the unpardonable neglect of the various States to respond to the call of Congress, and provide for the payment of their troops, had produced a general and justifiable discontent among officers and men, who feared that they would be disbanded and turned penniless upon the world. Then, too, so low was the military chest, the army was necessarily fed from hand to mouth, and there was often lack of food to satisfy the immediate needs of the men.

It was at this time that Washington crushed an incipient movement looking to the establishment of a monarchy, and the placing of the crown upon his head; had he been a Cæsar or Napoleon he could and would have fanned this spark into a flame, and, with a devoted and victorious army at his back, have climbed to a throne upon the ruins of his country's liberty. The first intimation of the movement, that reached him, came in a letter from Captain Louis Nicola, whom he had long and intimately known, and who Irving affirms to have been the mouthpiece of a military faction. Beginning with the assertion that all the ills of America arose from its republicanism, he advised a government modeled on that of England, which he made no doubt could be readily established. Continuing, he said: “In that case it will, I believe, be uncontroverted that the same abilities which have led us through difficulties, apparently insurmountable by human power, to victory and glory; those qualities that have merited and obtained the universal esteem and veneration of an army, would be most likely to conduct and direct us in the smoother paths of peace. Some people have so connected the idea of tyranny and monarchy, as to find it very difficult to separate them. It may, therefore, be requisite to give the head of such a constitution as I propose, some title, apparently more moderate; but, if all other things are once adjusted, I believe strong arguments might be produced for admitting the title KING, which, I conceive, would be attended with some material advantages."

Cæsar thrice put the crown away, each time with a weaker repulsion and a more obvious willingness to relent; Napoleon, by the same gradation. suggested here, drifted from the consulship to the empire; the Richard III. that Shakespeare drew, refused, with pious mien, the prayer of the lord mayor that he should assume the crown, only to accept the bauble in the end. Washington bade the devil of ambition get behind him, in such tone that even Satan could scarcely have the audacity to repeat his proposal. He answered the letter in these words: "With a mixture of great surprise and astonishment, I have read with attention the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. Be assured, sir, no occurrence in the course of the

war has given me more painful sensations, than your information of there being such ideas existing in the army, as you have expressed, and I must view with abhorrence and reprehend with severity. For the present, the communication of them will rest in my own bosom, unless some further agitation of the matter should make a disclosure necessary. I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address, which, to me, seems big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. At the same time, in justice to my own feelings, I must add, that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see ample justice done to the army, than I do; and, as far as my powers and influence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be employed, to the utmost of my abilities, to effect it, should there be any occasion. Let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself, or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself, or any one else, a sentiment of a like nature."

On the 2d of August, 1782, General Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby notified Washington that they had learned of the opening of peace negotiations at Versailles. The fact that, with all these general prospects of a peace, Great Britain had made no movement to secure a suspension of hostilities, seemed to Washington to cast suspicion upon their sincerity, hence he communicated with Rochambeau, and recommended a junction of the armies upon the Hudson. Rochambeau consequently put his army in motion, and, about the middle of September, crossed King's ferry, and the American army was paraded under arms, at Verplanck's point, in honor of the coming of its old allies. The feeling of the two commanders toward each other was very warm, and it extended throughout the armies.

Some time after this, arose a very serious difficulty in the American army, which bade fair to result most disastrously. In the flush of gratitude and enthusiasm, caused by the defeat of Cornwallis, the Congress voted half pay to officers of the army, for a given number of years after the close of the war. The likelihood of ever obtaining this, or the arrears of pay, became a subject of frequent and angry discussion in camp. At last the officers united in a memorial to Congress, praying for the pay due them, and for the giving to each of a certain fixed sum in commutation of the half pay referred to. This memorial was sent to Philadelphia in the hands of a committee of officers, and provoked a long and angry debate, but it was impossible to secure the votes of nine colonies requisite to its granting. Upon news of this, an anonymous ci cular (which afterwards proved to have been written by General John Armstrong, a valuable and patriotic young officer, who lived to sincerely repent his indiscretion) was distributed in camp, couched in the most eloquent and inflammatory language, and contain

ing appeals to the officers, of a very dangerous tendency. It, in effect, accused Congress of deliberately neglecting the demands of the army, charged the people of the United States with ingratitude, and, saying that, if the organized army of the United States were neglected, its individual members, when it should be dissolved, could not hope for justice, called upon them not to surrender their swords until their wrongs were righted; to give over sending memorials to Congress, and to forward their "final protest;" and to work upon the fears of that body, since its gratitude had failed them.

When a copy of this incendiary document came into Washington's hands, he was greatly concerned for its effect. Among other proposals it had called for a meeting of the officers to be held on the following Tuesday, the 11th of March. The first step of the commander was to publish a counter address, expressing sympathy with the misfortunes of the army, and anxiety for their relief, but strongly disapproving the attitude assumed by the unknown writer of the circular. At the same time he invited the officers of the army to meet him on Saturday, the 15th, to hear the report of the committee, which had waited on Congress. "After mature deliberation," he added, "they will devise what further measures ought to be adopted, as most rational and best calculated to obtain the just and important object in view."

This wise and moderate appeal had the effect of bringing together the officers of the army, almost to a man. The commander in chief then read them an address, which can scarcely be equalled for wisdom, moderation, sympathy, and effective appeal to the better sense of those whom it sought to influence. How great this influence was, is indicated by the fact that no sooner had he left the hall, than the meeting, upon motion of General Knox, passed resolutions declaring warm reciprocation of the affection. which their commander in chief had avowed for them, implicit confidence in his wisdom and sincerity, and a belief that Congress would see justice done. The resolution also requested Washington to write to the president of that body, urging that the needs of the army be relieved. He accordingly at once wrote a warm letter to the desired effect, and many personal communications to members, which ultimately resulted in gaining long deferred justice.

During the month of March came welcome news from Paris of the conclusion of the peace of Versailles, on the 20th of the previous January. The treaty then signed was purely general,* yet it was difficult to impress the rank of the army with that fact, and such as had enlisted for the term of the war, were clamorous for their discharge. Again Washington wrote to Congress, representing the condition of affairs, and the decision was made that the men were not entitled to a discharge until a definitive treaty of peace was

For particulars regarding the peace negotiation, see Life of John Adams, post.