that Bonaparte did not intend to revoke his decrees, unless Great Britain should take a similar step in revoking her orders in council, or the United States should declare war and enforce her rights. The agreement of the French minister was of no force, the sequestration of vessels and their cargoes continuing as before. In March, 1811, the emperor declared that "the decrees of Berlin and Milan were the fundamental laws of his empire." About the same time the new French envoy to the United States officially informed the government that no remuneration would be made for property sequestrated.

The British refused to revoke the orders in council, on the ground that no sufficient proof existed of the revocation of the decrees of Berlin and Milan, and insisted that the non-intercourse act was unjust and partial. This state of things had the effect to increase the hostility to England, particularly as American vessels and their cargoes continued to be seized by British men-of-war, and sold under order of their admiralty courts.

In February, 1811, the President appointed Joel Barlow minister to France, with full instructions to negotiate a treaty of commerce with that nation. He made strenuous efforts to procure a revocation of the decrees, and finally obtained from Napoleon a decree that "so long as the British orders in council were unrepealed, and the principles of the treaty of Utrecht [1713] with respect to neutrals were in operation, his edicts of Berlin and Milan must remain in force, as to those nations which should suffer their flag to be denationalized." The British government was again appealed to, to withdraw the orders in council, on the ground that the French edicts were repealed, and replied, that "whenever those edicts were absolutely and unconditionally repealed by an authentic act of the French government, publicly promulgated, their orders would be revoked.”

The twelfth Congress assembled November 4, 1811, and organized by electing Henry Clay, speaker. Mr. Clay was just entering upon his first term in the representative body, having already served two short terms in the Senate. He was an ardent administration man, and was ably seconded by Messrs. Calhoun, Cheves, Lowndes, of South Carolina, and other influential southern representatives, together with William H. Crawford, of Georgia, in the Senate. As far remote as the close of the Jefferson administration, war with England had been contemplated, but no provision for offense or defense had been made; the army had been reduced to three thousand regulars, while the navy comprised but twenty vessels-ten frigates, and ten sloops-of-war and smaller vessels. One hundred and fifty gunboats had been built, but they were useful only in harbor and river defense. Through the advice of Mr. Clay, Mr. Lowndes, and Mr. Calhoun, the policy of the administration was changed. Mr. Madison was by nature a man of peace, and it was with much difficulty he was prevailed upon to acquiesce in the inevitable and allow of preparations for war. Bills were passed pro

viding for the enlistment of twenty thousand men; authorizing the President to call for volunteers to the number of fifty thousand; authorizing the repairing and equipping of all frigates in ordinary, and making appropriations for building such additional frigates as might be necessary. The President was also authorized to require that each of the states provide its proportion of one hundred thousand militia, to be armed, equipped, and held in readiness to march at a moment's notice. One million dollars was appropriated to carry forward war preparations.

The time approached when Mr. Madison's first term as President would expire. A caucus of the members of the existing Congress would place in nomination candidates for President and Vice President. Already there was developed among Republicans some opposition to the re-election of Mr. Madison, owing to his conciliatory course, and his opposition to war measures. The leaders of the party in New York proposed the name of De Witt Clinton, then lieutenant-governor of that state and mayor of New York city; a man of influence, who stood high in council, and whose convictions would have hesitated not a moment in resenting the aggressions of Great Britain. Mr. Madison was waited upon by a delegation of his friends, who informed him of the state of affairs, and assured him that unless he was prepared to declare war against England, neither his nomination nor election could be relied upon. He quickly decided to acquiesce in the will of his friends, and use his best endeavors in furtherance of an object for which he had no taste, but which seemed the only course to pursue.

Previous to this there had been several changes in the cabinet: James Monroe had succeeded Robert Smith as secretary of state, in November, and William Pinkney had succeeded Cæsar A. Rodney as attorney-general in December, 1811. The secretaries of war and the navy were.not fitted for the duties pertaining to their office in time of war. Mr. Monroe was the only member of the cabinet who had any military experience, and his experience was limited to a short term of service in the revolutionary war. With such officers at the head of these departments, it was doubtful if efficiency could be had.

No change in the policy of Great Britain toward the United States having taken place, on the 4th of April, 1812, an embargo of sixty days was laid on vessels of the United States.

Louisiana was set off and admitted into the union as a state on the 8th of April, 1812, and by a subsequent act the remainder of the Louisiana territory was organized as the Missouri territory. Many important acts were passed by this Congress, among which was one for the apportionment of representatives in accordance with the census of 1810. The President transmitted a special message to Congress on the 1st of June, in which he reviewed the difficulties which existed with Great Britain. This message was referred to the committee on foreign relations, a majority of whom

agreed upon and reported to the House a manifesto, as the basis of a declaration of war. The reasons given for this procedure were in substance as follows: "The impressment of American seamen by the commanders of British ships of war; the British doctrine and system of blackade; and the adoption and continuance of the orders in council of that government, which operated to the interruption and injury of American commerce." To this was added a long unsatisfied demand for remuneration on account of depredations committed on private property in the seizure and confiscation of merchant vessels. Then followed the proceedings which eventuated in a declaration of war, the House in the meantime sitting with closed doors. The measure was adopted by a vote of seventy-nine to forty-nine. In the Senate a delay of fourteen days ensued, when the act was adopted by a vote of nineteen to thirteen. The President signed the declaration on the 18th of June. It was prepared by the attorney-general, William Pinkney, and is as as follows:

"An act declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and the territories thereof.

"Be it enacted, etc., That war be, and the same is hereby declared to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories; and that the President of the United States is hereby authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the United States to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States, commissions, or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods, and effects of the government of said United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the subjects thereof."

Proclamation was immediately made, informing the people of the declaration of war, and calling upon them to sustain the cause of the government in the pending conflict. The federalists, and others who were not of the party of the administration, formed an organization which they called the "peace party," and by every means in their power threw obstacles in the way of prosecution of the war. There were many among the more prominent of the federalist party, who, when they found the government disposed to push the war with vigor and persistence, gave it all their strength and support.

Had the declaration of war been delayed but five days, it is probable the country would have been saved great loss of life, immense expense, and untold suffering. The British government had from August, 1810, until May, 1812, refused to credit the representations made by the American ministers that the Berlin and Milan decrees had been annulled, until they were convinced that the revocation was absolute and not conditional. On re

ceiving official intelligence from France that the decrees had been definitively revoked, the orders in council had been suspended, and information to that effect was at once forwarded to America, where it was received just five days too late to prevent hostilities.

The forces of England being largely employed in the war on the continent, it was nearly seven months before any decisive measures were taken in the American war. The blockade of the Chesapeake was not proclaimed until the 26th of December, 1812; the English manifesto was not issued until January 9, 1813; the British naval forces did not arrive until early in February, 1813. By the 20th of March the entire coast of the United States was blockaded, with the exception of Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, these being excepted with the obvious intention of sowing dissensions among the states. Several attempts were made to procure a suspension of hostilities and the restoration of peace: one by Sir George Prevost, governor of Canada, and one by Admiral Warren, commanding the British fleet in American waters. These were of no avail, however, the principle for which the country was now fighting, being the rights of her seamen, in resisting the British code of impressment; other demands having been allowed.

It is impossible in sketching the leading incidents in the life of James. Madison, also to write a detailed history of the war which occurred during his administration. Seldom, indeed, did he allow the opinions of others to overrule his own matured judgment. In the case in hand he yielded to purely party influence, because he believed it would strengthen both the party and his administration; besides, he desired the honor of a second term as President, which had been accorded Washington and Jefferson, both natives of Virginia. When once pledged to the war, he gave to it the best of his abilities, which in this one direction were not cultivated. He had always deprecated war, and when it was forced upon him, did not at once see the proper course to pursue. A portion of his cabinet was not what it should be in an emergency, but two changes were made in January, 1813, by which General Armstrong, the late minister to France, succeeded Dr. Eustis as secretary of war, while the secretary of the navy was succeeded by William Jones, of Pennsylvania.

ΤΗ

CHAPTER VIII.

MADISON'S SECOND TERM AS PRESIDENT-LAST YEARS OF his life,

HE Presidential contest of 1812 resulted in the re-election of James Madison as President, with Elbridge Gerry as Vice President. In this contest Mr. Madison overcame the disaffected of his own party, and the federalists, who, at separate conventions, had united in the nomination. of DeWitt Clinton, of New York. The inaugural ceremonies were held in the hall of the House of Representatives, on the 4th of March, 1813, and were attended by large numbers of citizens.

The season of 1812 had been one of reverses to the American arms on the land, while on the sea the small navy had won for itself glory and renown. General Hull had invaded Canada, and shortly retired to Detroit, which post he disgracefully surrendered in August. The naval victories had been the capture of the British frigate Guerriere, by the Constitution, Captain Hull, August 18th; the surrender of the British brig Frolic to the American sloop-of-war Wasp, Captain John Paul Jones; the capture of the British frigates Macedonia and Java by the Constitution, commanded first by Captain Decatur, and later by Commodore Bainbridge.

A proposition of mediation between the belligerents was made by the Emperor Alexander, through the Russian minister at Washington, March 8 1813; Albert Gallatin, John Quincy Adams, and James A. Bayard were appointed commissioners to negotiate a peace through this mediation. Mr. Adams was already in Russia, and the remaining commissioners sailed under a flag of truce, arriving in the Baltic in June. The Russian mediation was declined by Great Britain in September, 1813, but on the 4th of November, Lord Castlereagh informed the government that Great Britain was willing to enter upon a direct negotiation for peace. This proposition was accepted by the president, and Ghent, in Belgium, was decided upon as the place for holding the conference.

The invasion of Canada was renewed in 1813, General Dearborn cap