BOOK II. to Bologna, conformably to the pontiff's desire; and its proceedings were suspended for five years of ill He then proceeds to justify himself to the papal secretary, for the fault of proposing any thing about the reformation of the abuses; and his apology shews us how displeasing this was to the Roman court, and what unworthy deception even this cardinal, one of the best of the consistory, could descend to practise about it: If we had appeared to avoid, or have shewn a wish to defer the Reformation, knowing how many there were who had desired or preached that we should begin with it, we were certain that almost all the council, becoming suspicious of us, would have turned to that side. Many of every nation have given us to understand, that they would not be cheated here as those of Pisa and Constance were, who, having decreed the dogmas, left the reformation to be made by Alexander VI. and Martin, who never did any thing upon it. If then we had chosen to contradict them, as we must have done, we should not have done better than we have, but it would have been effected with little honor to us if we had been detected in postponing the reformation. "If this 'errore' had rebounded only to us, the evil would have been trifling, but the world would have been scandalized at the thing; and as the mischief would have fallen on the apostolic see, the reputation of which is not as it antiently was, this appeared to us to be so prejudicial, that, desiring to provide against it, we announced to his holiness, on the 5th instant, that it would occur. Waiting the answer, we detained the subject as well as we could until the 22d, leading the council so as not to let it do any thing. At this time, not having received any advices, and being unable to defer it longer, and seeing most clearly the danger above mentioned, we thought we should not err, but serve his holiness, if we took what we were forced to, as the most secure and most honorable part-the most secure, because we shall undoubtedly be better able to resist the unruly wills of the princes, and the malignity of some bishops, if we said 'Be it so; treat of the Reformation, but in such a manner that it may embrace all,' than if we had declared we will not have it discussed, or, it shall be deferred longer, which are considered here to be two synonimous propositions. This was also more honorable; because by making our proposition universal, the part we have chosen has been obtained with the general consent and applause, notwithstanding the opposition to it.' p. 288, 9. He then wisely adds, To put the reformations in execution without noise, will be most secure to his holiness; and to make them begin with what is done in the church and the sacristy, and then to enter the houses not only of the priests and friars, but of the kings and princes also. The part of the sacristy may be finished in two or three sessions, as the dogmas will be discussed at the same time. By this his holiness will have time to anticipate them (if he pleases,) and in truth this is necessary, both for the soul and the body; for otherwise, the apostolic see will lose more than it would do by every strict and severe reformation, for it would lose its obedience and credit.' ib. 289. humor, threats, and angry discussions between Charles V. and the papacy; and of negociations with the court of France. The death of Paul III., from his rage at his nephew's defection and opposition,137 occasioned the election of Julius III., who consented to the return of the council to Trent; where it was opened again in September 1551. The public secretary then expounded to the assembled prelates, that they were met for three objects-to extirpate the heresies, to reform the morals of the church, and to appease the quarrels of the princes.13 Henry II. transmitted a strong protestation, accusing the pope of striving to excite a fatal war in Italy.130 The council proceeded to pass some further decrees,140 but as much under the papal dictation as before." France then uniting 138 137 The French bishop Godeau's statement is a short history of the fact, how his infallible holiness sometimes dies:-The pope Paul having read a letter from duke Octavius, his nephew, that if he were forced to quit Parma, as the pope desired, that he might add it to the ecclesiastical state, he would make terms with the governor of Milan, was seized d'une telle colere,' that he fainted, and, being seized with a violent fever, died at the end of three days. Vie de St. Charles, p. 63. Julius was elected 10th November 1549. ib. Pour extirper les heresies.' Lett. Amyot. 8th Sept. Vargas, p. 70. The council's answer to Henry II. states, that the pope, in his brief, had appointed the things they were to treat of:- Res autem hæ sunt; extirpatio hæresium; reformatio morum; pax ecclesiæ.' Varg. 128. Thus extirpation was the continual object with every pope. Nothing else; and nothing less would suit or please the Vatican. 139 See it in Vargas, p. 84-95, and the council's mitigating answer, p. 124-146. 140 On the Eucharist; on ecclesiastical discipline; on penance; extreme unction; some reformations on admission to orders; the punishment of clergymen, and the collation of benefices. Godeau, 64. 141 So Vargas again states: The council is in fact held at Rome, and only executes at Trent what has been determined on elsewhere.' p. 58. He therefore advises the emperor to watch with great care what was transacting at Rome.' p. 59. The Spanish doctor Malvenda's letter of 12th October 1551, to the Spanish premier, reports, The legate and his confidents take their measures so well, that the examination of the CHAP. VI. BOOK II. with the German Protestants against the emperor, 144 dogmas always lasts to the eve of the sessions; and as the reformation is never handled till these have been concluded, there remains no time to think on that. They are obliged to keep to what the pope's ministers project; the artifice is so gross that you may touch it with your finger; yet I see no remedy; the legate is absolutely master of the council.' Lett. Vargas, 147. 142 On 20th March 1555. Godeau, 65. 143 This was the valuable Cardinal St. Croce, He died, leaving, says the French prelate, worthy people as inconsolable for his death as it gave joy to those who were afraid of the rectitude of his conduct and the severity of his discipline. His surgeon was suspected of poisoning the ulcer he was dressing; and the enemies of his virtue were believed to have caused this crime to be perpetrated on one who would have restored to the papacy the sanctity of the first ages.' Godeau, p. 66. This suspicion was most probably groundless, but it shows that a pope risks his life if he attempts to act against the interests or inclinations of those who surround him. 144 On the mass; on orders and marriage; regulations for the life of the clergy; on the qualities of bishops; and on the administration of his authority. The cup to the laity in the sacrament was left in the discretion of the pope. Some rules were laid down for the erection of new parishes, and the deposition of ignorant incumbents: the visitation of disorderly monasteries by bishops, and the suppression of questings, or begging on the letters of religious privileges, were also ordered. Godeau, 68-70. 145 VI. of the church. By reserving these to the last, and CHAP. then suddenly attaching them to the other decrees, the most objectionable and repulsive superstitions, which so many wise and good catholics wished to have omitted or abolished, seem to have been hurried and crowded in when all were fatigued by their protracted sessions. But the papal influence overpowered all other wisdom or religious integrity; 146 and what suited the policy of the Vatican and its cardinal consistory was fixed on every member of its church as their compulsory and immutable and therefore verbal creed-for that belief, in which the mind is allowed no freedom of choice, and which is not left to be the spontaneous adoption of the judgment; but which is enforced on all as the arbitrary imposition and dictated mandate of an irresistible and vindictive power, can only be deemed a verbal assent, very unlike the conviction of the satisfied reason, and the sincere belief of the concurring heart. 145 Godeau, 70. 146 The composition of the council leads to this inference. Godeau states that its decrees were signed by the 4 legates, 4 cardinals, 3 patriarchs, 25 archbishops, 168 bishops, 7 abbots, 32 representatives of absent prelates, and 7 generals of monastic orders. Of these, 26 bishops were from the French church, 31 from that of Spain, 3 from Portugal, one from Ireland, 3 of Croatia and Moravia, 1 for each of the Illyrian provinces, 3 from Hungary, 2 of Poland, and two from Germany. But from Italy ONE HUNDRED and EIGHTY-SEVEN assisted at it from its first convocation to its conclusion. Godeau, 71. Thus above two thirds were under the immediate command of the pope. Its decrees were therefore the decrees of himself and his partisans. HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD THE SIXTH. CHAP. VII. HIS ACCESSION-EDUCATION-CORRESPONDENCE AND STU- II. BOOK THE death of Henry VIII. had left the throne of England, and the government of the country, vacant of an active mind, which, with all its imperfections and later severities, was highly estimated by the impartial on the continent;' and at home, was acknowleged to have been a benefactor, from taste and choice, to the intellectual cultivation of his people. His valuable qualities had concurred with the increased education, the unfolding capacities, and the busy emulation of his subjects; and even 1 His character, drawn by De Thou, whose praise has sterling value, may be read as a specimen of the reputation of Henry VIII. among honorable and enlightened foreigners. Most rich in all the gifts of nature, there would have been no merit wanting in him, if he had been less attached to his pleasures. He changed nothing in religion, after his divorce, but the abolition of the papal supremacy, which he held in execration. During the fourteen years which he lived after this, he raised only good and learned men to be bishops, and he was an admirable patron of men of science and literature.' Thuanus, 1. 3, at the beginning. As De Thou adhered to the Catholic church, his ' nihil mutavit implies, that he thought Henry only pared off some of its non-essential superstitions. |