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decidedly against him." Indignant at this misleading CHAP. versatility of the papal government, this king published a declaration inculpating its conduct." He had remonstrated with the holy father four months before, that if he took up arms it would put all Christendom into combustion; 28 and now charging him with involving all Italy in the flames of war, he threatened him with acting towards him as the French monarchs had been accustomed to do against turbulent pontiffs; 30 and began the battle by forbidding his subjects to send any more money to Rome for their benefices, and ordered his garde des sceaux to provide the due means to obviate the effects of the papal interdicts that might follow." The pope exhibited his political attachment to Charles, by creating the unusual number at once of fourteen cardinals, all of the imperial party. But the French diplomatists sarcastically smiled at the peril of his feeble hostilities; 33 and before six months more had revolved, the 'politic handling' of the Vatican, to use one of Wolsey's favorite phrases, always vacillating to the changing breezes of temporary interests, veered

32

26 This we learn from the cardinal Ferara's letter to him, of 8 April 1551, 2 Rib. 317.

28 Ib.

"See it in Ribier, dated 4 October 1551. p. 344. 20 Yet our holy father, without regarding these remonstrances, instead of putting Christianity in peace, has thus chosen de mettre sa main aux armes et embraser toute l'Italie en guerre.' ib.

30 'We have therefore informed him, that we shall provide ourselves with the remedies which the Christian kings, our predecessors, have been accustomed to use in such troubles, when the popes, instead of establishing and reforming the church by good counsels, example and learning, do quite the contrary, and by turbulent agitations of war disturb the Christian commonwealth.' ib. 344.

31 Ib. 343, 5. 32 Lett. 27 Nov. 1551. ib. p. 357. Forquevaux wrote, on 7 Oct. to Beauregard, You may think what issue a war will have which a pauvre pape begins to make with borrowed monies.' Rib. 350.

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round to an accordance with France, because his holiness had at last discovered that he ought not, and now resolved that he would not, mix religious with temporal things, as the emperor desired.'"

The state policy adopted by the most Christian king at this moment exhibited what in literature would be deemed an infringement of the Horatian rule, not to unite a horse's head with a fish's tail; not to combine the incongruous, nor ally the dissimilar. But good critics advise from the everlasting principles of right and truth, while statesmen act on the transient expediency of temporary circumstance. Thus Henry II. while joining the pope with a renewed cordiality, also united himself with the Protestant princes of the empire, whose new faith he was opposing and persecuting in his own dominions,35 as cordially and as unscrupulously as he had done with the Mussulman crescent, the fanatic enemies of every Christian church. The figures and scenes of his political tapestry were so strongly contrasted, that in one part we see his queen, the notorious Catherine de Medici, the devoted Hecate of the papacy, arresting Catholic preachers, who had directed their sermons against an alliance with the heretical princes; and soon afterwards we behold her royal husband ordering the captain general of his galleys

34 Lett. 4 March 1552, p. 382. That this pope was now establishing his sanguinary inquisitions, we learn from Sleidan's letter from Trent, Feb. 1552. Julius has Inquisitores acerrimos throughout the parts of Italy under his dominions, and in other places.' Asch. Ep. 402.

35 In the same letter to Ascham, Sleidan adds, I think you have seen the French king's edict against the Lutherans, published last September; I met it in print at Padua.' Asch. Ep. 403.

36 On 2 April 1552, the queen ordered the cardinal Bourbon to arrest some preachers who had declaimed against an alliance with the princes of the empire. Rib. 389.

39

40

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to sail with his fleet from Marseilles to join his Turkish CHAP. confederates in their devastation of the Neapolitan territory," and desiring an apology to be made to the grand signor for not having equalled his Mahomedan celerity. The French king disclosed the project of his land campaign, in pursuance of the sultan's expectations, and expresses an exulting hope that from the popular disaffection, and the emperor's inadequate forces there, and with the aid of his turbanned allies he shall accomplish a grand exploit the favorite and inherited dream of his father and ancestors - the addition of Naples to his Gallic crown. But as the Italians dreaded his acquisition of this coveted prize as much as he desired it, they interfered to request that he would conciliate his differences with the emperor; and the prospect of the pope again changing sides, compelled him to submit to a reluctant truce; but he limited it to two years duration, from the hope that by that time he should have persuaded the Venetian aristocracy to consent to his Neapolitan aggrandizement."1

* On 22d June 1552, the king apprized his ambassador at Constantinople, that he had ordered La Garde to raise 2,000 foot, besides his ordinary number, and to go straight to the coast of Naples, to meet the fleet of the grand signor, which, according to mon advis, he will find to have arrived there. Rib. p. 390.

38 Etant bien marri, that its departure could not be earlier; but this was not possible, because this resolution could not be taken till after we had heard that of the grand signor, suivant laquelle.' ib. 391.

* Suivant laquelle je fais aussi assembler 18 or 20,000 infantry, and 2,000 horse, as well in the Parmesan as in the other places of Italy, where they can the most promptly unite themselves to march straight by land to the kingdom of Naples, under my cousins the prince of Salernum and the sieur de Termes.' ib. 391.

10 This gives me good hope, that nous y ferons quelque chose de bon; avec l'aide de la dite armée du G. S. as his bassa general will accommodate himself to what shall be required.' ib. 391.

Lett. ib. 391.

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The powerful arm of Charles had been arrested in the midst of its triumphs, by an unexpected enterprise of Maurice of Saxony, whom he had raised to that electorate, but who had now become his eager enemy. The duke suddenly marched upon his friend with such secrecy and rapidity, that the emperor could scarcely save himself from a personal captivity by flying from Inspruck in haste, and leaving there most of his baggage and conveniences,2 in a resentment which he uselessly resolved should be implacable.“ Henry II. was then at Spires, and delighted with seeing the emperor thus hunted, to adopt his own metaphor, he turned immediately on the queen of Hungary, who was going with her forces to revenge her irritated brother; and his advance forced her to relinquish her intentions, and to leave the German Protestants to the full enjoyment of their redeeming success." Henry not only saved them from the attack of the queen's Flemish forces, but had, since he joined his army, profited by the moment to seize for himself the rich imperial cities of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, and to obtain the command of Lorraine, which would secure to him a free passage at all times

42 Lett. 22 June 1552, p. 391. The emperor, tho ill with the gout, was moved in a litter as the day broke, and, accompanied by his brother Ferdinand and their domestics, was taken to Villacho on the Drave without any equipage or baggage, which Maurice divided among his troops the same day, reserving only Ferdinand's property, from personal friendship. Charles set the duke of Saxony free on his flight. Hass. v. 2. p. 113.

43 His ambassador at Venice said, that he would never forgive the duke Maurice for it; and if his life should not be long enough to punish him for it, he would, by his will, charge his son to do so. Rib. 392.

The king describes these events with great glee in his letter, p. 392. This victory procured for the Protestants the treaty of Passau, by which Charles released his two princely captives, and granted to the Protestants the liberty of enjoying their religion, and the possession of the ecclesiastical property which they had seized, and the privilege of being judges of the imperial chamber.

48

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to the Rhine. In a few days more he took Ivoy, CHAP. which had been deemed impregnable; " and the speedy surrender of Montmedi gave him the possession of what was then the strongest city of Luxemburg." Impatient for the gratification of his largest hope, he sent a galley to the viceroy of Algiers, urging him to increase the grand signor's fleet in the Mediterranean, by the addition of his own, instead of keeping it inactive in his port, that he might assist in overwhelming the Spaniards, from which he would derive great advantage. The Turks agreed that their fleet should not do any damage to the papal territories; and on the 6th of July their crescent floated at the pharos of Messina, and made its first descent, in faithful discharge of its diplomatic contract, on Rhegium, in Calabria. Under the inspection and encouragement of the French ambassador in their fleet, the Mussulmen laid waste the country with flames for thirty miles along the shore.50 They were projecting to extend the ravages to Naples, but desisted, at his request to save a friendly noble's

49

45 Lett. 22 June, 1551, p. 396. He desires that the bassa may be informed of these successes. Rib.

46 On 22d June 1552, he wrote that he was before it with a battery of 30 cannons; and on 27th June he mentions its capture, with 3,000 foot and 300 horse, and 150 men at arms. Rib. p. 397.

48 Ib. p. 396.

47 Ib. p. 397. 49 On 25th June, Codignac wrote from the Bosphorus to the king, that the grand signor granted this favor to his request. p. 397.

50 On 22d July 1552, D'Aramon his ambassador, who was now with the Turkish fleet, in a dispatch from Terracina, informed his sovereign at Paris, that their allies had burnt all the villages and castles on their descents, for twelve or fifteen miles along the shore, and, without making any stop, the said captain of the fleet, following the coast, intended to spread the flames from one end of it to the other, but the contrary wind forced him to stand off; but he had touched at two other places, and the country for fifteen miles along the shore, did not, says this French gentleman, make moins beau feu than the said Rhegium.' ib. 403.