XIX. at variance with the Catholic leaders. From policy, CHAP. if not from inclination, she abstained from further persecution; and exhibited so much favor to the friends of the new system, that their numbers multiplied as it became more freely preached and more safely professed.20 21 When the peace of Chateau Cambrises was in April 1558 completed between France, Spain, and England; and the queen-dowager received the intimation that secret articles had been attached to it by the French and Spanish courts, which formed a confederation between them and the pope for the suppression of the reformers by violence; and was enjoined by the state cabinet of Francis to begin the execution of this iniquitous compact in Scotland, by pursuing and punishing all heretics with fire and sword, before they spread further,22 the regent, tho regretting the command, obediently issued a proclamation, enjoining all persons to observe the Catholic religion, to attend the mass and perform its ceremonies." The nobility and estates of the country remonstrating, she shewed them the peremptory commission she had received. They pleaded her former permission, and declared their resolution not to counteract their consciences; and her reluctant perseverance in the cruel measures she had been ordered to adopt, drove them 23 24 20 Obliged to address herself to the barons of the reformed party, and winning two of the states on her side, she obtained her intent, which made her shew greater favor to those of the reformed religion; overlooking their secret preachings, whereby the religion increased, so that the most part of the country became Protestant.' p. 73. 22 Ib. 21 See last Chapter, p. 541, note 37. 23 Melv. 77. 24 Ib. 78. BOOK to a revolting opposition as their only safety," and 29 28 25 So she began to persecute, and they to rebel, and take the field, and band themselves together under the name of the Congregation, and thereafter to break down images, churches and cloisters." Melv. 78. 26 Ib. 78. The constable, in the king's presence, directed him to go to Scotland, as if on a visit to his friends, and not to let the queen regent, nor the French commander D'Oysel, know of his commission; but he was to inquire privately if lord John was really planning to usurp, or had taken arms only of conscience;' what promises the queen had made that had not been kept, as was alleged, and if they wished another lieutenant instead of D'Oysel. If it be only religion which moves them, we must commit Scotsmen's souls to God, for we have enough to do to rule the consciences of our own countrymen. It is the obedience due with their bodies that the king desires.' Henry laid his hand on Melville's shoulder, with the remark, 'Do as my gossip has directed, and I shall reward you.' Melville kissed his hand, and set off for Scotland. p. 80. 29 I found the queen in the old tower of Falcland. The lord duke and D'Oysel ranged in battle on Coupermere against the lords of the Congregation. The queen made hard moan to me of her disobedient subjects. As I was speaking to her, the duke and D'Oysel came back without battle; whereat the queen was very far offended, and thought they had lost a very fair occasion. p. 81. 25 Lord James explained to him, what liberty of conscience the queen had granted to him till Betoncourt arrived, and that she had changed her behaviour, not of her own nature, but by the persuasions and threatenings of her brothers in France.' He assured Melville that, To put the king out of all suspicion of his usurpation, he would banish himself perpetually out of Scotland, if they would grant him and his associates such liberty as the queen had permitted before the coming of Betoncourt, if his rents should be allowed to come to him; and for security hereof sufficient pledges of the noblemen's sons of Scotland should be sent to France.' Melv. p. 82. XIX. wiser connetable displaced, and all the power of CHAP. the state committed to the violent and persecuting cardinal and duke of Guise.30 Their determination to exterminate all Protestants, both in France and Scotland, rendered future concord an impossibility in the latter and each party assuming an hostile attitude, made the sword the umpire of their conflict.31 The true welfare of Scotland lay in peace or union with England; 32 and its most beneficial policy was ably sketched by the lord treasurer, in his memorial to his consulting queen. There could be no durable peace while it was at the command of the French.33 30 Melv. Mem. p. 84. He mentions a pleasing trait of the early improvements which Elizabeth favored: At Newcastle, I fell in company with one of the queen's varlets of her chamber; a man learned in mathematics, necromancy, and astrology, and a good geographer. He had been sent by the council of England to draw a map of such lands as lie loose between England and Scotland, which were alleged to be fruitful soil, yet served for no other purpose than to lodge and be a retreat to thieves and limmers. For queen Elizabeth was advised by her secret counsellors to render these parts civil; and to enlarge her bounds thereby.' p. 83. Sir R. Sadler mentions Melville in his dispatch from Berwick on 16th Sept. 1559, as having come to him with a communication from Maitland, and as 'a servant to the constable of France, now passing hence towards his master.' 1 Sadler's St. Pap. 450. 31 The ministers of the reformers were declared rebels. Keith, 83. Knox returned into his native country, and animated the people of Perth to destroy what he termed the idolatrous worship. ib. 84. Both parties collected their armies at Cowpar, on 12 March 1559. Keith, p. 91. The congregationists took Perth by force. Proclamations, letters and conferences ensued, and the queen regent marching to Edinburgh, compelled her opponents to an accommodation, on 24 July 1559. ib. 98. But a week afterwards the reforming chieftains made a third covenant of association at Stirling. See it in Keith, p. 100. Troops afterwards arrived from France to aid the papal party, and a legate from the Pope. ib. 101, 2. 32 Cecil began his counsel on 5 Aug. 1559, with this just remark: The best worldly felicity that Scotland can have, is either to continue in a perpetual peace with the kingdom of England, or to be made one monarchy with England, as they both make one isle, divided from the rest of the world.' Sadler's State Papers, 1, p. 375. 33 His remarks shew his mild but clear-sighted wisdom: To be in perpetual peace, it must be provided that Scotland be not so subject II. 35 37 As long as its sovereign remained in France, the next in succession, and its parliament, should provide against its misgovernment; 34 and a council, not directed by the French, should be appointed for its administration, with a settled and apportioned revenue; its official powers to be exercised by Scotsmen, and its beneficial stations given to no other without the assent of its three estates; its nobility should no longer continue the pensioners of France; and its religious reformation should be completed by its constitutional authorities. 38 In case the French sovereigns and their politics, as such, should oppose these arrangements, which were for the benefit of Scotland, and pursue those plans which were incompatible with the safety or tranquillity of England, the judicious and conscientious minister discussed what he truly calls the weighty matter;' and therefore the question, Whether it be meet that England should help the nobility and Protestants of Scotland to the appointment of France, as it now is, which seeketh always to make Scotland an instrument against England. As long as it is at the command of the French, there is no hope to have accord long.' Sadler's St. Papers, 1, p. 375. 34Seeing that it is at the French king's command, by reason of his will, it is for the weal of Scotland, that until she have children, and during her absence out of the realm, the next heirs to the crown, being the house of the Hamiltons, should have regard thereto, and see that the crown be neither impaired nor wasted. And the nobility and commonalty ought to foresee that the laws and old customs of the realm be not altered, nor the country impoverished by taxes imprest, or new imposts, after the manner of France.' ib. 376. 35 Ib. 377. Of this revenue, one portion to be allotted to the queen during her absence; another to the government and defence of the realm; and a third to be kept in the treasury. ib. 36 Ib. 376. 37Fourthly, that no more noblemen of Scotland should receive pension of France, except it were whilst he did service in France: for otherwise the French would shortly corrupt many to betray their own country.' ib. 376. 38It may be provided by the consent of the three estates of the land that the land may be free from all idolatry, as England is' ib. 376. XIX. to expel the French or no?' 39 He felt that subjects CHAP. should not be aided against their natural princes, and that it was dangerous to do so, because a secret aid must be too small to suffice, and an open one would produce wars, whose issue was uncertain. The French and Scots might compound and join in force against England: and the pope and Catholic princes might conspire to prevent the two kingdoms from being united in the same religion.40 On the other hand, every public state had a right to defend itself against perils seen, and against dangers advancing and nature and reason urge all to use the same means for defence as are employed in the aggression. His conclusion therefore was, that England both may and ought to aid Scotland to keep out the French.'41 And upon these views, and on these principles, the conduct of the English cabinet was founded in its transactions with Scotland during the reign of its queen Mary, whose impressible or unsteady mind was led by the not unusual changes of the circumstances of human life, and by temptations not uncommon, to a variation of conduct and to a forgetfulness of moral principle, which produced 39 Burnet Ref. v. 6, p. 374. Sadler's State Pap. 1, p. 378. 40 Ib. Ib. He proceeds to reason, that from the feudal homage paid by former Scottish sovereigns to the English crown, the latter was bound 'to defend the liberties, the laws, the baronage and people of Scotland, and to protect the realm against the French. Burnet, 375. Sadler, 379. After these reasons of right and honor,' he states that England was in evident danger,' and ought, for the protection of itself from perpetual ruin and subversion, to see that the French be not suffered to bring their armies into Scotland.' He then states the practices of Mary and her husband to deprive Elizabeth of her title, and to set forth their own;' their assumption of the English arms, and their styling themselves king and queen of England in their great seal, |