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their respective sovereigns, all parts of the Venetian territory, not occupied by the troops of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, and King of Italy; the city of Venice, the Langues, and the possession of the Terra Firma, shall be given up in the space of fifteen days; Venetian Istra and Dalmatia, the mouths of the Cattaro, the Venetian isles in the Adriatic, and all the places and forts which they contain, in the space of six weeks from the exchange of the ratifications. The respective commissaries will take care that the separation of the artillery belonging to the Republic of Venice, from the Austrian artillery, be exactly made, the former being to remain entirely in the kingdom of Italy.

"Done and signed at Presburgh, the 26th of December, 1805."

M. Talleyrand was the plenipotentiary appointed by France, and Prince John of Lichtenstein, on the part of Austria.

Such was the ignominous treaty of Presburgh; a treaty which reflected everlasting disgrace on the Emperor Francis, who was despoiled of the most valuable part of his dominions.

In contemplating that fatal battle which destroyed all the hopes of the allies, and led to this disgraceful treaty, the mind is sickened, nay, filled with horror at the idea of the immense effusion of human blood; of the thousands offered up as victims at the shrine of ambition. It has been observed, with respect to the character of Cæsar, on whom such splendid eulogiums have been lavished, that he outraged every right sacred to society; that he wheedled the best out of their principles, and made them subservient to the worse; that he annihilated that liberty which all the philosophers and heroes of antiquity had struggled incessantly to establish; and which it was the glory of Rome to extend over the whole world. The restless ambition of Bonaparte also tended to convulse the nations of the earth, and to destroy millions of its inhabitants.

So unwilling, or so sceptical, were a multitude of persons in England, to receive the account of the annihilation of the Austrian power, that there were actually published in some of the public prints, an ac count of the battle of Austerlitz, in which it was de

scribed, as terminating in a splendid victory, obtained by the allies: but these delusive tales only served to render the affliction greater, when the real official accounts were received.

CHAP. VII.

Mr. Pitt's Second Administration. Victory and Death of Lord Viscount Nelson, at Trafalgar. Disputes between France and Naples.

THE speech of his Britannic Majesty, on the opening of the session of parliament of 1805, breathed sentiments of a warlike nature. Mr. Pitt had once more been appointed premier: some dispute in the cabinet had occasioned Mr. Addington to resign; this able patriotic and virtuous minister received a splendid mark of his Majesty's most gracious approbation of his political conduct, he was created a peer of the realm, by the title of Viscount Sidmouth, of Sidmouth in Devonshire; and, in addition to which, a mansion in Richmond-park was assigned to him and his heirs for ever.

The measures proposed by the British cabinet for _carrying on the war, after the proposal for peace had been made by Bonaparte in his letter to his Majesty, was vehemently opposed. It was urged very emphatically by the opposition, in both houses of parliament, That the prosecution of the war must be ruinous in its consequences to Great Britain; that France was now a considerably greater power than before the treaty of Amiens; that prior to that event, England had been drained of its money, and a vast multitude of lives; and for what? Cui Bono. What good had resulted from the former contest? England wished for peace and tranquillity, and she obtained it for a short time, by making great sacri fices to the enemy she had been contending with. Since the commencement of hostilities, the old argument was still persisted in by ministers, the justice and necessity of the

war with France; but what justice, what necessity could there be now, granting there had been at the first period of the war? Had it not been plainly perceived that France would not be guided by our ideas of political justice? That she would not suffer us to dictate a form of government for her? That she viewed, and with some degree of reason, that the war had ultimately in view, the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne of France. That before the declaration of Pilnitz, whilst France looked only to her own emancipation from despotism, and whilst the horrors attending her revolution affected only herself, a conspiracy was formed throughout Europe for the restoration of the ancient government. As for the necessity of the war, was the nation to be drained of its treasure by granting immense loans, and in some late instances, without the consent of parliament, to a sovereign who appeared little inclined to support the cause in which he was united; and in which cause he had confessedly been eminently unsuccessful. Could it rationally be supposed that Austria could yet stand against the gigantic power of France, which had already received so many curtailments of her territorial possessions? From what had occurred, could there be hope for the future? And yet, in spite of all these warming voices, we were again to form fresh alliances upon the Quixotic idea, that we are engaged in a just and necessary war. A fair opportunity had occured when proposals of peace were made by the person at the head of the French nation, whether Consul or Emperor it was of little consequence, if he was the organ of the pacific disposition of the French people in wishing to put a termination to a war which had deluged Europe with blood. These arguments were ably enforced by the brilliant rhetoric of Mr. Fox.

On the other hand, it was contended by Mr. Pitt, and those who adhered to his system, that, notwithstanding the apparent disadvantages under which the Emperor of Austria had laboured, there was no cause to despair of ultimate success; he had yet the means, and also the inclination of resisting the encroachments of the ruler of France; the disturber of the repose of Europe. And was it just that we should withdraw our aid from a good and faithful ally at such a crisis? Notwithstanding the gloomy picture which some persons drew of the existing

circumstances of our country, our resources were greats our trade flourishing, our commerce increasing, and our navies rode triumphant on the bosom of the ocean, Since the recent alteration in the government of France, a communication undoubtedly, conveyed in a manner totally contrary to the etiquette of the British court, had been made by the ruler of France; if the subject therein adverted to, was actually the wish of him who held the reins of that government, there were means for opening a negociation, which if proposed, would receive due at tention; the object for continuing the war being solely to preserve a due balance of power in Europe. What might not be expected from the exertions of our magnanimous ally, the Emperor of Russia, in conjunction with the Emperor of Austria? Surely a well-founded idea might be entertained of a check being given to the inordinate spirit of aggrandisement which actuated France; and a prospect opened of a safe and honorable peace; founded upon a solid and permanent basis.

The famous battle of Austerlitz completely overthrew all those brilliant, but chimerical hopes, which that great statesman and orator, had so fondly cherished.

In the history of the world there is not recorded victories more splendid than those achieved during the war by the gallantry and valour of the British navy; our fleets acquired laurels which were nobly and gloriously

won.

Information having been received that the combined fleets of France and Spain had sailed from Cadiz, Admiral Lord Viscount Nelson, immediately sailed with the fleet under his command, in pursuit of the enemy, aud his lordship was enabled to come up with the combined fleets on October 21, 1805, near Cape Trafalgar, on the coast of Andalusia, in Spain. The French and Spanish fleets formed together thirty-three ships of the line, with five large frigates, and two armed brigs. Upon the English fleet being descried, the enemy made signals for forming into line of battle. The squadron was led by Admiral Gardoque, in the ship La Santa Anna, of one hundred and twelve guns; the centre was commanded French Admiral Villeneuve, in the Bucentaur, of eighty guns; and the rear division was under the comVOL. II.-25.

by the Fre

mand of Admiral Gravina, in the Prince of Asturias, of one hundred and twelve guns: the second division being led by Rear-admiral Magon, in the Algesiras, of seventyfour guns.

The English fleet consisted of twenty-seven ships of the line, four frigates, an armed schooner, and a cutter. The van was led by Admiral Horatio Lord Nelson, in the Victory, of one hundred guns; and the rear by Admiral Collingwood, in the Royal Sovereign, of one hundred guns.

Lord Nelson had laid down a plan pre-eminently excellent in naval tactics; and, before the battle commenced, he had issued the following ever memorable order:

66

England expects every man to do his duty." The action was commenced by the English, who bore down upon the enemy with irresistible fury. The combined fleets had been formed in the shape of a crescent, and into the crescent did the gallant English Admiral bear down, breaking through it, and occasioning the greatest confusion. The battle now raged tremendously, the ships coming into close action with each other. After three hours almost unprecedented severe fighting, victory declared in favor of the English fleet. of the Spanish ships, in a most disabled state, sailed with Admiral Gravina for Cadiz; while four others, French ships of the line, under Admiral Dumanoir, sailed for France.

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In this splendid battle nineteen French and Spanish ships of the line were captured; and Admiral Villeneuve was taken prisoner: but the hero to whom, under Providence, Great Britain stood indebted for this great victory, fell nobly covered with immortal glory; for about the middle of the action, Lord Viscount Nelson received a musket-ball in his left breast; it was evidently aimed at his lordship, who very imprudently was decorated with all the brilliant insignia of those honors which had been conferred upon him, in consequence of his glorious exploits. He was immediately conveyed to the cock-pit, and his wound, upon inspection, was found to be mortal. He met his approaching dissolution with great fortitude, and died in the arms of

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