Senator Silveira da Motta's measures already mentioned, and the rejection of all of them, the last in the spring of this year.

Senhor Andrada told the deputation of the Anti-Slavery Society that "the Emperor himself and all his Ministers, and all the Brazilian people, believe that it is a duty to humanity to abolish slavery." Again: "I can assure you that not only the Emperor, but his government, his advisers, and every Brazilian possessing the feelings of humanity, think that it is not only the duty, but that it will be for the interest of our country to abolish slavery." Again: "As I have already told you, the government and people of Brazil think that it is their duty and their interest, as soon as they possibly can, entirely to abolish slavery."

All I know is, that as yet there is no beginning, and as yet all the presumptions from public facts are the other way. However, the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society state in their report, presented shortly after the interview with Senhor Andrada, that they "are assured that measures are in contemplation;" and they mention as under consideration, I presume in the Brazilian Cabinet, for there is no news of it in the Parliament, "one declaring free all slave children born from the date of the projected act." I trust that these assurances are better founded than many of the assertions of Senhores Andrada and Portugal.

CHAPTER VII.

SLAVERY IN BRAZIL.

SALE BY BRAZILIAN GOVERNMENT BY AUCTION OF UNCLAIMED SLAVES -SLAVES ILLEGALLY IMPORTED SINCE MARCH, 1830, AND THEIR CHILDREN-REJECTION OF LORD PALMERSTON'S PROPOSAL OF 1850

FOR A MIXED COMMISSION TO EMANCIPATE THESE NEGROES-NEWSPAPER ADVERTISEMENTS FOR SALE OR HIRE OF SUCH NEGROES- SIR H. HOWARD'S AND MR. CONSUL VEREKER'S REPORTS-BRAZILIAN GOVERNMENT DO NOTHING--STORY OF AN ENSLAVED FREE AFRICAN WOMAN AT BAHIA.

IN a Brazilian newspaper (the Diario do Rio) of February 4th, I read a paragraph headed "Bens do Evento," which means "eventual property," and enumerating thirteen slaves, male and female, who had been imprisoned, and, after a certain time, being unclaimed by their owners, lapsed to the State, and were orderedto be set free? No-to be sold by auction!

How is it that slaves thus coming into possession of the Brazilian government are not set free, considering the account given by Senhor Andrada to the deputation of the Anti-slavery Committee of the feelings of the Emperor, Ministers, parliament, and people of Brazil as to abolition of slavery?

It will be satisfactory, in any statistics of Brazilian slavery, to know the number of slaves annually coming in this way into the power of the Brazilian government, and sold by auction.

Every slave introduced into the Brazilian empire after March, 1830, when the importation of slaves became unlawful under the stipulations of the Convention of 1826, and by the law of Brazil, is illegally a slave and legally free; so are his children, unless born of mothers who are lawful slaves. I need not say that, in spite of law and treaty, there was an immense importation of slaves into Brazil after 1830 till 1851 or 1852. The number of slaves illegally introduced during that period is estimated at a million. In a despatch of mine to Earl Russell, of May 27, 1861, I state that, of the 3,000,000 of Brazilian slaves, there may be 1,000,000 who are in illegal slavery. Does the Brazilian government, which is so zealous against slavery, and which should be the guardian and executor of Brazilian laws, do anything to rescue these victims of illegal slavery? The British government tried for some time to persuade the Brazilian government to do what was right in this matter,-respect their treaty engagements and execute their own laws, but, as in everything else, their efforts were ineffectual. Lord Palmerston in 1850 instructed Sir James Hudson to propose a Convention for a Mixed Commission to emancipate the negroes in illegal slavery. The Brazilian government refused. They pretended that any interference of the English government in the matter was an invasion of their national rights and dignity, they would do their own duty themselves. They have not done it. "We have a treaty with Brazil," said Mr. Gladstone, in March, 1850, "which she has broken every day for the last twenty years. We have tried to secure the freedom of the emancipados; we endeavoured to make the Brazilians declare it a crime to import slaves

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into Brazil. This treaty has been repeatedly broken, and we have a perfect right to demand its fulfilment; and if we have the right to demand it, we have the right to do so at the point of the sword, in case of refusal. We have now a perfect right to go to Brazil and call upon her to emancipate every slave imported since 1830, and, on refusal, to make war with her even to extermination." The English government has never thought, and is not likely to think, of enforcing this right by war. But the right is here, and the duty is there; and when Brazil, or Lord Brougham, or Mr. Osborne, or a "Brazilian agent," comes forward to claim the repeal of the "Aberdeen Act" as earned by the "admirable conduct" of the Brazilian government in suppressing the slave-trade, and as a fulfilment of an alleged promise of Lord Aberdeen, speaking for the Queen's government in its "corporate and enduring character," we have a right to reply: "First prove your. admirable virtue by doing your duty completely, though tardily, as to thousands of free Africans and a million. of illegal slaves, and fulfil your own 'corporate and enduring' treaty-engagements and promises, which involve the liberty, well-being, and happiness of upwards of a million of fellow-creatures, before talking to us of 'moral obligation' and the 'enduring and corporate character' of words of Lord Aberdeen's about the repeal of an act which your own extreme misconduct compelled him to pass, and which now only offends your pride."

These illegal slaves are at every moment and everywhere in presence of the Brazilian authorities, but are not seen. No step is ever taken to rescue them from their masters, who notoriously hold them, or publicly sell them,

in defiance of the law. It may now be pretty safely taken for granted that any African-born slave fit for work is an illegal importation. Thirty-three years have passed since slave-importation became illegal in Brazil, in March, 1831. The slave-traders generally brought only grown men and women across the ocean, chiefly men. Thinking only of the moment, they did not waste space on children. The average term of life of a slave in Brazil is computed at thirty-five years, and of available service at twenty years. It may, therefore, be generally taken for granted that an African-born slave, or, as it is called in Brazil, slave de naçao, advertised in the journals for sale or hire, is an illegal slave. There is, at any rate, a strong presumption that it is so. Such advertisements occur every day. In the Jornal do Commercio of Rio, of May 28th, which is before me, I find seven such advertisements. In the same journal of June 15th, there is an advertisement of sale of slaves by auction, including four African-born slaves. The addresses are thus made known to the police, who make no inquiries and do nothing. But the Brazilian government, if asked, say that the government is on the alert, and that the police do their duty. Still nothing is done.

I wrote on this subject to Earl Russell, in a despatch dated June 24, 1861 :

:

"Advertisements continually appear in the Rio journals for the sale of slaves, African-born, with a declaration of age, which, if true, renders obvious or probable their importation since 1831. I lately collected a few of these advertisements from the journals of three or four days, and directed inquiries to be made about the slaves advertised. Senhor Sá e Albuquerque having lately given me