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1035-1054 firmly settled in his authority. But, though considerable difficulty may be experienced in determining the sequence of events, there is none whatever as to the main course and flow of William's fortunes. It does not appear that any precise age of majority was defined by the legal constitution: we know it was not so in England; and Henry the Sixth, the child, scarcely more than an infant, affords a very signal example of the mischief occasioned thereby. The like in France; indeed, we may say, throughout Christendom.

The Baronial conspiracy.

? 13. William may have been cruel, but never obstinate. His reign, if, at such an early age, his exercise of sovereignty may be termed a reign, opened with misfortunes: the dissatisfaction of the Barons increased and matured into a combination against him; and, seeking the tranquil Henry, they roused him to action. against the rising rival.

The

There was reason for apprehension. Norman settlement cuts into the French territory, and the descendants of the Danes were always within a short march of the gates of Paris. We do not possess any particulars concerning the Baronial conspiracy. Guillaume de Jumiéges is our solitary informant, and he whispers in our ears: "That these are the very men who yet live and now make profession of being the most faithful, and upon whom our Duke has conferred the greatest distinctions and favours."

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1035-1054

§ 14. Normandy's perennial opponent and implacable enemy, Henry of France, had, as 1040-1047 we have seen, fully and solemnly confirmed the young Duke's reversionary right and title, which acknowledgment, he, upon Robert's request, and in Robert's life-time, had ratified by all the solemnities of law; but the transaction was construed by the French Court to be void ab initio ; still were the Normans despised as barbarians, and dreaded as Pirates. The waters of Jordan could not wash out the black blood stain, and Henry, partaking in the general feeling, determined to unsheathe the sword, and extirpate the odious usurpers of the land.

biography

contrasted

phical his.

§ 15. It is not always easy to determine Historical satisfactorily the line of demarcation severing with biogra historical biography from biographical history. tory. Ought the Hero to rise before us, as the system's centre, around whom all the events circumvolve, or should the unity be constituted by the Epos ? Are we not compelled to elect between Napoleon's achievements, and the foundation of the French Empire ?-Between Achilles' anger and Ilium's conflagration ?-Between the conquest of Gaul, and the laurels of Cæsar ?-In our present task, no such difficulty perplexes us. Hero and Epos Unity of are one. Either of the epithets bestowed by ject." history or by tradition upon Arletta's son, equally pourtrays William's complete mission, from his joyless cradle to his miserable deathbed. Whether you designate him as the Bastard,

VOL. III.

P

action in the present sub

1035-1054

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or as the Conqueror, the effect upon the mind is 1040-1047 complete: the whole history of the Man, and of his times, unfolds before us.

Magnificence of William's mission.

Magnificent was William's destiny. Can we avoid accepting him as the Founder of the predominating empire now existing in the civilized world? Never does the sun set upon the regions where the British banner is unfurled. Nay, the stripes and stars of the Transatlantic Republic would never have been hoisted, nor the Ganges flow as a British stream, but for the Norman's gauntleted hand.

Elsewhere have I spoken of the Saga-like character of the Norman historiographers, resulting from the general absence of dates, whether in text or margin, so that, for the most part, we can only guide ourselves by the synchronisms which we gather from the Capetian annals or the English authorities; as to the case, immediately before us, we can, with respect to William, roughly calculate that, whether influenced by policy, or restrained by apprehension, the young Duke's swarming enemies, domestic or foreign, had, after the first hostile explosion, allowed him to Tranquillity continue unmolested, whilst about twelve circling of William's years were rolling away; during which period the young Sovereign, attaining man's estate, settled into pacific tranquillity. Sedulously did he attend to his affairs, though his time was fully as much employed in his recreations and amusements. It is related with much zest by

of the first

twelve years

reign.

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gouement for the chace.

the tonsured Chronicler, how the young Duke 1035–1054 disturbed the sweet refreshing solitude of the 1040-1047 damp and cool forest glades, by setting apart William's enPreserves or Parks for sport; that is to say, for the purpose of enjoying the anguish and misery inflicted upon the Creatures whom their and our Creator has placed under man's supremacy. But the political calm was deceptive. Whatever apparent respect Henry may have rendered to his Vassal, it was always accompanied by the mental reservation that the pact was binding only so long as convenient,a principle silently pervading most diplomatic arrangements and many domestic ones also.

tacks William warning.

Wam without

16. William, as yet only a youth, was Henry attolerated rather than acknowledged by his Suzerain; and, when the good time of doing evil arrived, Henry poured his forces into the young Duke's territory. No courtesy displayed, or feigned; no, not even fair warning. No message delivered; no gauntlet thrown down; no challenge given; no defiance proclaimed; no trumpet sounded. Henry invaded the Evreçin, accompanying his aggression by demanding the immediate demolition of the much-contested Castrum Tegulense, or Tilliers :-Tilliers must be razed to the ground. A harassing warfare was now waged by both parties ;-desultory skirmishes ;-assaults, obscure, inglorious, indecisive, yet nevertheless possessing much political importance, for the quarrel fretted the

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1035-1054 half-healed sores; keeping alive all the old 1040-1047 grudges between the Frenchman and the Northman, so that the two Nations relapsed naturally,

Tilliers surrendered to Henry.

Guido of
Burgundy:

how edu

so to speak, into the normal relations of rivals and of enemies.

The fortress had been placed under the charge of sturdy Guillaume Crespon, whom we may designate as Guillaume Crespon the First, thus distinguishing him from a namesake. A message was despatched, instructing him to surrender the charge of the stronghold; but he acted as though he could not comprehend the order, and held out. The young Duke besought his sturdy guardian to comply; and the fortress was given up. Henry repaired to Tilliers, placed a garrison therein, contrary to his engagement, and having obtained this grip upon Normandy, he suspended hostilities, and a pause ensued.

17. Guido of Burgundy now suddenly

cated at the asserted his claims, or pretensions.

Norman

Court; his

revolt.

Kindly

Donzell been reared From the time he was treated almost The Youth had been

and confidentially had the
at the Norman Court.
could cross a horse, he
as an heir presumptive.
received in the Halls of Falaise as an enfant de
la maison; and, when he attained the canonical
age, the degree of knighthood was conferred
upon him by his Liege Lord. Moreover, several
important Baronies were granted to him; and
Alice of Normandy's son occupied a station
scarcely less prominent before the world than

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