conviction, whether the good of the common cause, whether the particular interest of the republick, have been sufficiently promoted by this indecision, by this cautious conduct, which an excess of prudence has dictated to your High mightinesses from the beginning of the troubles with which it has pleased providence to visit Europe, to this day, to encourage your High mightinesses to persist in the same method of proceeding.

To what a degree has not this indecision frustrated the effects of your most wise resolutions? To what a degree has it not rendered useless your best-placed expences, and increased the necessity of them?

What jealousies, what umbrage has it not given, and does it not still give to the allies of a good cause? What discouragement to the powers who might increase the number of them? With what presumption does it not inspire our aggressor and his adherents? What facility has it not given them of extending their views, and bringing their pernicious designs to perfection?

Your High mightinesses know How very unsuccessful your pains and efforts have been towards finishing the salutary work of peace, You know to what a the name of which is so often prostituted. degree the ways of moderation have been exhausted, and how far they have been despised.

It is time that the long forbearance of your High mightinesses should be justified, by manifesting your true principles in the eyes of your subjects, of your allies, and of all Europe.

Your High mightinesses see your most intimate and most powerful friends, and your own barrier, attacked at once by the same power; that very power which drove the Queen of Hungary from Vienna, and which made an attempt upon the throne of the king my master, has now the command at Menin, at Ypres, at Furnes, after having driven out the troops of your High mightinesses with fire and sword. Will you still hesitate whether to consider and treat this power as our common enemy?

Will your High mightinesses see capital revolutions happen daily in the most flourishing kingdoms, and in the states the least exposed, without being alarmed at them, and without providing remedies proportionable to the evil? Let us not trust solely to the justice of our cause; the age in which we live pays respect to nothing but force.

Ambition and greediness have already drawn together but too Let virtue, let honour, let the principles of selfmany powers. And if our engagements, if preservation at last reunite the rest. our interests are not sufficient to that end, let the common danger induce us to take this salutary resolution; let that move us to look for our security, where only it is to be found, in our union and in our vigour,

The readiness, with which your High-mightinesses have already executed the treaty above-mentioned in all its provisional points, is a sure pledge to his majesty for the execution of the whole.

,

More than one cordial friend, unjustly attacked, requires it of a faithful ally. The tottering system of Europe, with which the independance of your High mightinesses is so closely connected, demands it. A protestant and free nation * the surest bulwark of your state against the attacks of powers + that acknowledge no other tie towards their neighbours, than the submission to their wills, or their own inability to extort it, promises it to herself from a protestant republick, jealous of that liberty which she has purchased so dearly, and who has often been the protectress of that of the republick.

Let not our actions falsify these glorious titles; but may our united efforts once more set bounds to ambition, raise a new barrier in defence of the publick liberties, and bring back peace, jus. tice, and good order into Europe.

Done at the Hague, this 17th of August, 1744.

Signed,

ROBERT TREVOR.

EVERY one, not without reason, stands amazed, not being able

to apprehend how it is possible, that, in less than forty days, the king of France should subdue above forty cities and eminent fortresses, formerly belonging to this state.

A disgrace to our nation, and a blot so great, that it is never to be washed off from the not sufficiently famous Batavians.

Yet, if the reader pleases seriously to consider the following relation, I doubt not but he will in some measure be satisfied.

My opinion then is, that the king of France did not make so great a progress purely by force of arms, but by the concurrence and assistance of some governors of this country; (Oh that they had never been so!) who, being bought thereto, instead of fathers, became traitors of our native country, which to demonstrate clearly we are to consider,

That the King of France did no way surprise us, but gave us sufficient warning before-hand; as well with words to our ambas. sadors, as in deeds with his great preparations made by him, be yond any example, through his whole dominions; as also by his majesty's erecting several unheard of magazines, as well in his own realm, as without, nay, on our frontiers at Nuys. The preparations whereof were so great, that an experienced officer, who hath borne great commands in the German wars, as also under the King of Sweden, Denmark, and other princes, coming to compliment the Lord of Amerongen, who at that time was on the behalf of this state at Cologne, taking an opportunity to view the forementioned magazine, declared to me at his return, that he had never seen nor heard of the like; believing it to be sufficient to contain provision and ammunition enough for two, nay three hundred thousand men, That he could not see this state was concerned thereat, asking,

Great Britain.

† France.

moreover, If they did not intend to defend their country, because they made such small preparations for the defence thereof? That the ashes ought to be stirred, and the fire extinguished, before the flame grew too big.

I confess, that, at that time, I little regarded this saying; be. cause, according to my duty, I censured, favourably, and expected nothing but good and faithfulness from our governors; but I have, by the sorrowful event, found that I might not, without a good argument, have condescended to the forementioned officer's opinion. For who knows not that the first care of a governor, for the defence of his country, ought to consist,

In erecting sufficient magazines, fortifying of towns and castles? Furnishing the same towns, and fortresses, with valiant and faithful governors and commanders, sufficient garisons, trenches, and ammunition for war, and especially, to deprive the enemy of as much ammunition, and men, as possible. But let us examine whether any of all these things were done with vigour, and we shall, to our sorrow, and irreparable loss and disgrace, rather find the contrary to have been acted by the wicked and strange directions of those corrupt governors: For notwithstanding it was well known, that, at the beginning of the King of France's preparati. ons for war, there scarce was any salt-petre in Europe, but what was in the hands of the Netherland East-India company; and, notwithstanding it was proffered the state by the said company, yet they refused the same, and rather desired that it should be sent to France, and so serve as a knife to cut the throat of the Netherlands at once; which was not sufficient, for, besides that (instead of publishing edićts to prevent the transporting of ammunition to the enemy, which ought to have been their chief care) they encou raged and maintained the sending of all necessaries for war to the enemy: Of the truth whereof every one may be assured, since it may be heard from the mouth of the Lord Jucchen, Governor of Wesel, yet living in the Hague, that his excellency, about four or five months ago, being advised, in a letter by a loyal subject, that four ships, laden with powder and shot, and other ammunition for war, were coming up the Rhine, to pass by Wesel; adding, more. over, the merchants names, that had sold and bought it, where it was laden, what powder-mill the powder came from, and from whom the other stores, &c. and that the master of the ship had a pass-port from Cologne; nay, that it was to be carried to Nuys, into the French magazine; advising him also, that, by vertue of a certain order (sent to his excellency some years ago, that, if the Bishop of Munster should make any invasion) he would please to stop the said ships; whereupon, going himself to the Rhine, he asked, Whether any persons had seen such ships pass by, as were mentioned in his letter of advice? (Because this is a very remark able business, I think, it will not seen amiss to give an account of the circumstances thereof.) When one of the standers-by, answering, said, that two such-like ships were past by, and gone up higher; that they were laden with powder, shot, and other ammu.

ition, which, instead of being unladen at Cologne, according to the pass-port, were carried, and put into the French magazine at Nuys: That he had this account from one of the masters of the vessels that were returned from thence, very much discontented that he had been forced to unlade contrary to his pass-port.

The governor, hereupon, sending for the forementioned master of the vessel, and having understood the truth, according to the forementioned relation from his own mouth; moreover, that there was a third vessel laden with the same sort of goods yet below Wesel, and coming up the Rhine. Whereupon, staying till the evening, and not seeing the said ship, the governor, fearing that she might pass by in the night, sent some musqueteers thither, strictly commanding them to enter and stay in the vessel till it should come up to the city, and be searched by his excellency: Who, on the following day, examining the said ship, found the same to be laden as before; when, taking the pass-port from the master, he immediately caused it to be exactly copied; and, keeping the original, sent the copy with the post, who went away that day, or else an express had been sent to the state, or council of state, whom he informed, in a letter, all what had happened; and therefore desired speedy orders how he should govern himself in this affair.

There was, at that time, but little powder and shot in Wesel; so that the governor was not a little rejoiced, hoping, that, by this opportunity, the city would be well provided at a small charge to the country.

But, instead that the said ship should unlade there, the governor received an order, signed by the secretary, that he should not only free, the vessel which he had stopped, but also permit all ships, that had such pass-ports, to pass freely, and unmolested, on their way; which his excellency immediately condescended to.

Two days after past by another ship, that had twice as much ammunition a-board her as one of the former, and from time to time several others of the same nature steering the same course.

Whilst the governor, from that time forward, sollicited the council, that the city Wesel, being so considerable a town, and of such great consequence to the state, ought to have six-thousand men in garison, and sufficient trenches and ammunition; all which the governor oftentimes requested in his letters to the council of state; who, at last, gave orders for the making of trenches about the said city, and furnishing the same with all manner of necessaries.

But, instead of putting a garison of six-thousand men into the same, they drew immediately thirteen troops of horse, and twelve companies of foot, all stout and able men, out of it, and put a few companies, consisting, the greatest part, of unexperienced youths in their stead; of which the governor hath often complained; and, to secure this considerable city the more to the enemy, they (under pretence that the Governor Jucchen should come and give their High mightinesses an account in person at the Hague) put in ano. ther governor; and, how honourably he hath carried himself in

the defence of that city, appears by the event, Exitus acta probant. The like pretence they had to turn other governors, as appears chiefly by Colonel d'Ossery, an Irishman, and a Roman Catholick, whose villainies, and traiterous actions, have been ma nifested formerly in his services under other princes, and one, whose correspondence with the enemy, and notorious treasons concerning the business of Rynberk, are at large related, in a certain paper delivered by the Captains Vytenbogaert and Clark, to his highness the Prince of Orange, and the council of the state; and also in a certain apology of the Governor of Bassem, and a comment on the letter from Tondlemonde, all extant in print, to which I refer you; wherein also you have an account, how that the garisons of the city of Rynberk, (notwithstanding it was so considerable a fortress to this state) were not sufficient to defend half the countersharps; and therefore might casily (by the treachery of D'Ossery, and the falseness of the governor Bassem) be conquered by the enemies. And indeed, this D'Ossery following, forsooth, the examples of the honourable lords and overseers of this forementioned work, in their counterfeit fatherly care, behaved himself no doubt so honourably in the defence of this city, that he well deserved a triumphant gallows of a considerable height, not only for his own falseness, but because so many loyal officers, which undoubtedly were in garison there, were deluded, by his base designs and treacheries, to their utter ruin.

And, for the better carrying on of these traiterous courses, three regiments more were sent to Maestricht, after it was sufficiently provided, so that in all probability the enemy (finding that place so fortified) should pass by there, and come first to Rynberk and Wesel. At the same time when the news came to an assembly of a province, now in the enemy's possession, that there were three regiments more put into Maestricht, it was said, that his highness, the Prince of Orange, had writ in a letter, that he did much wonder, that such an extraordinary care was taken for that city only, whenas it would be more necessary to look after other towns, which were of as great consequence to the state. This I was informed by a person, whose fortune it was to be present at that assembly.

I also heard, at that time, that a certain governor, being exceedingly troubled, said; What doth all this tend to? I do not like the carriage of affairs, for we are like to lose our country for want of men, having twenty-five thousand short of what is absolutely necessary.'

And what was the reason?"

They made a great shew of raising men, but they acted all things contrary.

For notwithstanding the first levies were made with great trouble out of the country, and we were assured, that by the many men that were likewise raised there by others, the governors of those places had taken an occasion strictly to forbid the same, insomuch that we knew, there was not one place, nay not one foot