In the Hector came also the Lord Ley, son and heir of the Earl of Marlborough, being about nineteen years of age, who Mr. John Cullick, and Mr. William Goodwin, in full assurance of their trust and faithfulness in disposing of it according to the true intent and purpose of me the said Edward Hopkins, which is, to give some encouragement in those foreign plantations for the breeding up of hopeful youths, both at the grammar school and college, for the publick service of the country in future times. For the estate the Lord hath given me in this England, I thus dispose, and my wish is, that £150 per annum be yearly paid per my executor to Mr. David Yale, brother to my dear distressed wife, for her comfortable maintenance, and to be disposed of per him for her good, she not being in a condition fit to manage it herself; and I do heartily entreat him to be careful and tender over her; and my will is, that this be paid quarterly by £37.10 each quarter, and to continue to the end of the quarter after the death of my said wife, and that my executor give good security for a punctual performance hereof. My will also is, that the £30 given me per the will and testament of my brother Henry Hopkins, lately deceased, be given to our sister Mrs. Judith [unknown,] during her natural life, and that it be made up £50 per annum during her life. I do give to my sister Mrs. Margaret Thomson the sum of £50, to be paid her within one year after my decease. I do give unto my nephew Henry Thomson £800, whereof £400 to be paid within sixteen months after my decease, and the other £400 within six months after the decease of my wife. I do likewise give and bequeath to my niece Katherine Thomson, but now Katherine James, (over and above the portion of £500 formerly given her,) £100. I do also give and bequeath unto my nieces Elizabeth and Patience Dalley, unto each of them, £200, provided they attend the direction of their brother or aunts, or such as are capable to give them advice in the dispose of themselves in marriage. I give unto my brother Mr. David Yale £200; to my brother Mr. Thomas Yale £200, and to my sister Mrs. Hannah Eaton £200. My farther mind and will is, that, within six months after the decease of my wife, £500 be made over into New England, according to the advice of my loving friends Major Robert Thomson and Mr. Francis Willoughby, and con veyed into the hands of the trustees before mentioned, in farther prosecution of the aforesaid publick ends, which, in the simplicity of my heart, are for the upholding and promoting the kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ in those parts of the earth. I do farther give unto my beloved wife a bed, with all furniture belonging unto it, for herself to lie on, and another for the servant maid that waits on her, and £20 in plate for her present use, besides one third part of all my household goods. I give unto Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, Mr. Cullick, each of them, £20, to be made over to them into New England where they are; and my will and pleasure is, that £20 be put into a piece of plate, and presented in my name to my honoured friend Dr. Wright, to whom I owe more than that, being much engaged, desiring him to accept it only as a testimony of my respects. I do give unto my servant James Porter £10; unto my maid Margaret £5; unto my maid Mary £2. I do give unto my honoured and loving friends Major Robert Thomson and Mr. Francis Willoughby £20 a-piece, in a piece of plate, as a token of my respects unto them; and I do give unto my servant Thomas Haytor £20. I do give unto my sister Yale, the wife of Mr. David Yale, £20; as also to John Lollor, a youth now with my sister Eve, £20, to farther him out to be an apprentice to some good trade, and £20 more at the time of his coming to his own liberty, to encourage him to set up his trade, if he continue living so long. I do give unto my nephew Henry Dalley, master of arts in Cambridge, my land in the county of Essex; and, for the payment of all came only to see the country. He was of very sober carriage, and showed much wisdom and moderation in his lowly and familiar carriage, especially in the ship, where he was much disrespected and unworthily used by the master, one Ferne, and some of the passengers; yet he bare it meekly and silently. When he came on shore the governour was from home, and he took up his lodging at the common inn. When the governour returned, he presently came to his house. The governour offered him lodging, &c. but he refused, saying, that he came not to be troublesome to any, and the house where he debts, dues and legacies, do give unto him all my personal estate, and, by these presents, renouncing and making void all other wills and testaments, do declare, constitute and make him my sole executor, and my good friends Major Robert Thomson and Mr. Francis Willoughby overseers, of this my last will and testament. Signed, sealed, declared and published by the said Edward Hopkins, Esq. at his house at London, on the 17th day of March in the year of our Lord 1657, to be his last will and testament." Mention of the distress of his wife, named Ann, which was by loss of her reason, will occur in our second volume. She died 17 December, 1698. Trumbull, I. 233, says, Hopkins's estate, "given in New England, was esti mated at about £1000 sterling, and was appropriated to the support of the grammar schools in New Haven, Hartford and Hadley. The money originally belonged to New Haven and Hartford; but as a considerable number of the people of Hartford afterwards removed to Hadley, and were principal settlers of that town, they received their proportion of the donation." In six months after the wife's decease, which was above forty years later than the testator's, the £500 out of the English property should have been paid. But the executor and residuary devisee being dead, process in chancery was necessary against his executor. Under a final decree by Sir Simon Harcourt, lord keeper, Harvard College has enjoyed, jointly with the grammar school in Cambridge, since 1714, a fund, of which Gov. Dudley and other principal persons, civil and ecclesiastical, to the number of twentyone, were made first trustees. As the direction from the chancery was to invest the same in lands, a purchase was made, under authority of an act of the province, from the Natick Indians, being about thirteen thousand acres, comprising, with an additional grant from the province, the flourishing town of Hopkinton in Middlesex county,—having its name from this liberal benefactor of New England, and part of the town of Upton in the county of Worcester. The rent charge of these lands, for many years secured by the commonwealth, amounted to $222,22 annually, until March, 1823, and from thence forward, forever, $666,67 annually, being at the rate of one penny sterling per acre for the first ninety-nine years of the leases, and three pence sterling afterwards. Being one of the trustees, the editor knows the faithful and judicious employment of this charity. The fund, which, notwithstanding the evils of paper money, and occasional injurious denial of rent by some of the tenants, has been increased, now exceeds the sum of $18000, besides the original investment. Several letters of Gov. Hopkins to J. Winthrop, jun. are preserved in vol. XIX. of Trumbull MSS. and there is one to our author, 21 June, 1648, printed in Hutchinson's Collection, 225, showing a disposition to return to England, controlled by affection towards his adopted country. It is writ ten with more perspicuity than is usually found in papers of that age. was was so well governed, that he could be as private there as elsewhere. We had news of a commission granted in England to divers gentlemen here for the governing of New England, &c.; but instead thereof we received a commission from Sir Ferdinando Gorges to govern his province of New Somersetshire, which is from Cape Elizabeth to Sagadahoc, and withal to oversee his servants and private ||affairs; which was observed as a matter of no good discretion, but passed in silence. We excused our not intermeddling, &c. because, being directed to six or five of them, and one of their names being mistaken, and another removed to Connecticut, there were but four in the country; as also for that it did not appear to us what authority he had to grant such a commission. As for the commission from the king, we received only a copy of it, but the commission itself staid at the seal for want of paying the fees. Mo. 5.] The party, who procured the commission, one George Cleves, brought also a protection under the privy signet for searching out the great lake of Iracoyce, and for the sole trade of beaver, and the planting of Long Island, by §articles of agreement between the Earl of Sterling, Viscount Canada, and him. Thus this and other gentlemen in England get large circuits of lands, &c. in this country, and are very ready to grant them out to such as will become their tenants, and, to encourage them, do procure commissions, protections, &c. which cost them nothing, but will be at no charge in any right way of plantation, which should be by coming themselves, or sending some of their children, &c.; but now, as they adventure little, so they are sure to lose nothing but their vain hope.2 Capt. Stoughton and his company, having pursued the PeHofficers. ||2Chever|| 1 Cleves was a person of some importance, as, in the second volume of this History, will appear. He was agent or governour under Alexander Rigby, a member of parliament; and in Hazard, I. 570, is a letter from Edward Rigby, son of Alexander, to the inhabitants of Laconia, 19 July, 1652, taking notice of Cleves being in England, and expressing a design to send him back. I should consider it as an approbation, though Sullivan, History of Maine, 315, says, Cleves "was an equivocal character, and acted with great duplicity. He obtained a letter of agency from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, acted as deputy governour to both, and sold lands under the title of each, as appears from the registry of deeds, which he executed." On his next page he remarks on Cleves's unfaithfulness to the son, after the death of the father, I know not whether Cleves lived in Maine afterwards. 2 This opinion of Winthrop has, in all succeeding times, been confirmed, being not more founded on reason, than verified by experience. quots beyond Connecticut, and missing of them, returned to Pequot River, where they were advertised, that one hundred of them were newly come back to a place some twelve miles off. So they marched thither by night, and surprised them all. They put to death twenty-two men, and reserved two sachems, hoping by them to get Sasacus, (which they promised.) All the rest were women and children, of whom they gave the Naragansetts thirty, and our Massachusetts Indians three, and the rest they sent hither. A pinnace, returning, took a canoe with four Indians near Block Island. We sent to Miantunnomoh to know what they were, and after we discharged all save one, who was a Pequod, whom we gave Mr. Cutting to carry into England. [Large blank.] The differences grew so much here, as tended fast to a separation; so as Mr. Vane, being, among others, invited by the governour to accompany the Lord Ley at dinner, *not only* refused to come, (alleging by letter that his conscience withheld him,) *but also, at the same hour, he went over to Nottle's Island to dine with Mr. Maverick, and carried the Lord Ley with him.*1 6.] There were sent to Boston forty-eight women and chil dren. There were eighty taken, as before is expressed. These were disposed of to particular persons in the country. Some of them ran away and were brought again by the Indians our neighbours, and those ||we|| branded on the shoulder. 12.] Ayanemo, the sachem of Niantick, came to Boston with seventeen men. He made divers propositions, which we promised to give answer unto the next day; and then, understanding he had received many of the Pequods, submitting to him since the former defeat, we first demanded the delivery of them, which he sticking at, we refused further conference with him; but, the next morning, he came and offered what we desired. So the governour referred him to treat with our captains at the Pequod, and wrote instructions to them how to deal with him, and received his present of ten fathom of wampom. He was lovingly dismissed, with some small things given him. Here came over a brother of Mrs. Hutchinson, and some other of Mr. Wheelwright's friends, whom the governour thought not fit to allow, as others, to sit down among us, with ||men|| 1 I have no doubt, that every reader will be pleased with the preservation of this anecdote, though erased by the governour; for it strengthens his remark very much. out some trial of them. Therefore, to save others from the danger of the law in receiving of them, he allowed them for four months. This was taken very ill by those of the other party, and many hot speeches given forth about it, and about their removal, &c. 13.] Mr. Stoughton, with about eighty of the English, whereof Mr. Ludlow, Capt. Mason, and [blank,] of Connecticut, were part, sailed to the west in pursuit of Sasacus, &c. At Quinepiack, they killed six, and took two. At a head of land a little short they beheaded two sachems; whereupon they called the place Sachem's Head. About this time they had given a Pequod his life to go find out Sasacus. He went, and found him not far off; but Sasacus, suspecting him, intended to kill him, which the fellow perceiving, escaped in the night, and came to the English. Whereupon Sasacus and Mononotto, their two chief sachems, and some twenty more, fled to the Mohawks. But eighty of their stoutest men, and two hundred others, women and children, were at a place within twenty or thirty miles of the Dutch, whither our men marched, and, being guided by a Divine Providence, came upon them, where they had twenty wigwams, hard by a most hideous swamp, so thick with bushes and so quagmiry, as men could hardly crowd into it. Into this swamp they were all gotten. Lieut. Davenport and two or three more, that entered the swamp, were dangerously wounded by the Indian arrows, and with much difficulty were fetched out. Then our men surrounded the swamp, being a mile about, and shot at the Indians, and they at them, from three of the clock in the afternoon till they desired parley, and offered to yield, and life was offered to all that had not shed English blood. So they began to come forth, now some and then some, till about two hundred women and children were come out, and amongst them the sachem of that place, and thus they kept us two hours, till night was come on, and then the men told us they would fight it out; and so they did all the night, coming up behind the bushes very near our men, and shot many arrows into their hats, sleeves and ||stocks,|| yet (which was a very miracle) not one of ours wounded. When it was near morning, it grew very dark, so as such of them as were left crept out at one place and escaped, being (as was judged) not above twenty at most, and those like to be wounded; for in the pursuit they found some of them dead of their wounds. Here our men gat some booty of kettles, trays, ||stockings|| 1 For a larger account of this swamp fight, see Mason's History. |