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change will readily be believed by those acquainted with the history of those times; yet the principal cause, I apprehend, is to be sought in that rule for ecclesiastical reformation which the founders of the new English church kept in sight. For they wished to render their church as similar as possible to that which flourished in the first centuries; and that church, as no one can deny, was an entire stranger to the Dordracene doctrines.2 The king becoming alienated from the Calvinistic opinions and customs, the old hatred against the Puritans, which had somewhat subsided, again revived; and at last it broke out in open war. In short, James I. died, in 1625, a mortal enemy of the Puritan faith, which he had imbibed in his youth; a decided patron and supporter of the Arminians, whose condemnation he had greatly promoted; and a very strenuous asserter of episcopal government; and he left both the church and the commonwealth in a state of fluctuation, and languishing with intestine maladies.

§ 20. Charles I., the son of James I., determined to perfect what his father had undertaken. He, therefore, used every effort, first, to extend the regal power, and to exalt it above the authority of the laws; secondly, to subject the whole church

church was the exemplar, after which all churches should copy; that a religious community would be the more holy and the more perfect, the nearer its resemblance to the divine and apostolic standard and that the Romish church retained more of the first and primitive form, than the Puritan or Calvinistic church did.

? Perhaps also the king was influenced by the recollection of the civil commotions, formerly excited in Scotland, on account of the Presbyterian religion. There are some circumstances, likewise, which indicate that the king, even before he came into England, was not wholly averse from the Romish religion. See the Bibliothèque Raisonnée, tom. xliii. p. 318, &c. ["Thus far the note of our author: and whoever looks into the Historical View of the Negotiations between the Courts of England, France, and Brussels, from the year 1592 to 1617, extracted from the MS. State Papers of Sir Thomas Edmondes and Anthony Bacon, Esq., and published in the year 1749, by the learned and judicious Dr. Birch, will be persuaded, that to

wards the year 1595, this fickle and unsteady prince had really formed a design to embrace the faith of Rome. See in the curious collection now mentioned, the Postscript of a Letter from Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Lord High-Treasurer, dated the 20th of December, 1595. We learn also from the Memoirs of Ralph Winwood, that in the year 1596, James sent Mr. Ogilby, a Scots baron, into Spain, to assure his catholic majesty, that he was then ready and resolved to embrace popery, and to propose an alliance with that king and the pope against the queen of England. See State Tracts, vol. i. p. 1. See also an extract of a letter from Tobie Matthew, D.D., dean of Durham, to the lord treasurer Burleigh, containing an information of Scotch affairs, in Strype's Annals, vol. iv. p. 201. Above all, see Harris's Historical and Critical Account of the Life and Writings of James I., p. 29, note (N). This last writer may be added to Larrey and Rapin, who have exposed the pliability and inconsistency of this self-sufficient monarch." Maci.]

of Great Britain and Ireland to the episcopal form of government, which he considered as of divine appointment, and as affording the best security to the civil sovereign: and thirdly, to reduce the whole religion of the country to the pattern and form of the primitive church, rejecting all the doctrines and institutions of the Genevans. The execution of these designs was principally entrusted to William Laud, then bishop of London, and afterwards, from A.D. 1633, archbishop of Canterbury; who was in many respects, undoubtedly, a man of eminence, being a very liberal patron of learning and learned men, resolute, ingenuous, and erudite; but at the same time, too furious, headlong, and inconsiderate, inclined to superstition, and also bigotedly attached to the opinions, rites, and practices of the ancient Christians, and therefore a mortal enemy of the Puritans and of all Calvinists. He prosecuted the objects of the king's wishes as well as his own, without any moderation; often disregarded and trampled upon the laws of the land; persecuted the Puritans most rigorously, and eagerly strove to extirpate them altogether; rejecting Calvinistic views, in relation to predestination and other points, he, after the year 1625, contrary to the wishes of George Abbot, substituted Arminian sentiments in the place of them; re

3 See Anth. Wood's Athena Oxoniens. tom. ii. p. 55, &c. Peter Heylin's Cyprianus Anglicanus, or the History of the Life and Death of William Laud; Lond. 1668, fol. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion and the Civil Wars in England, vol. i. [Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. ii. chap. iv. &c. and vol. iii. chap. v. Tr.]

See Mich. le Vassor's Histoire de Louis XIII., tom. v. p. 262, &c. [Laud was then merely bishop of London, though in effect at the head of the established church. Legally, neither he, nor any prelate, nor even the king, could abrogate or enact articles of faith, without the consent of parliament. Nor was any such thing attempted. But the king, at the instigation (it is stated) of bishop Laud, issued a proclamation, June 14, 1626, which sets forth, "That the king will admit of no innovation in the doctrine, discipline, or government of the church, and therefore charges all his subjects, and especially the clergy, not to publish or maintain, in preaching or writing, any new inventions or opinions,

contrary to the said doctrine and discipline established by law." This apparently harmless proclamation, was, of course, to be executed by Laud and his associates; and Laud was publicly accused of using it to punish and put down Calvinists, and to prevent their books from being printed and circulated, while Arminians were allowed to preach, and to print their sentiments most fully. See Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. ii. chap. iii. p. 122, &c. and vol. iii. ch. v. p. 222, &c, ed. Boston, 1817, and Maclaine's note (m) on this paragraph. Tr.] The following circumstances gave rise to the proclamation mentioned in this note. Richard Montague, rector of Stanford Rivers, in Essex, a divine of superior acquirements, found some Romish priests active in his parish. He left, in consequence, certain queries at a house which they frequented, adding that a satisfactory answer would make a Romish convert of himself. For a time, no notice was taken, but at length he received a short pamphlet, entitled, A New Gag for the Old Gospel. In this

stored many ceremonies and rites, which were indeed ancient, but at the same time superstitious, and on that ground previously abrogated; obtruded bishops upon the Scottish nation, which was accustomed to the Genevan discipline, and extremely averse from episcopacy; and not obscurely showed, that, in his view, the Romish church, though erroneous, was a holier and better church than those protestant sects, which had no bishops. Having, by these acts, excited immense odium against the king and himself, and the whole order of bishops, he was arraigned by the parliament in 1644, judged guilty of betraying the liberties and the religion of the country, and beheaded.5 After the execution of Laud, the civil conflict, which had long existed between the king and the parliament, attained such a height, that it could be extinguished by nothing short of the life-blood of this excellent prince. The parliament, inflamed by the Puirtans, or by the Presbyterians and Independents, wholly abolished the old form of church government by bishops, and whatever else in doctrine, discipline, or worship was contrary to the principles of the Genevans; furiously assailed the

piece, the Church of England was saddled with the Calvinistic decisions of the synod of Dort, and other favourite Puritanical speculations. In his answer, and another piece that soon followed it, and was connected with it, he disclaimed all these principles. A violent ferment quickly arose, and the House of Commons, which had become a hotbed of Puritanical politics, commenced a furious persecution of Montague, charging him with popery and Arminianism. Several writers took the same view, and it was to silence this controversy, which was beginning to convulse the kingdom, that Charles issued the proclamation partially cited in this note. Collier, ii. 729. 734. 738. Ed.]

[Archbishop Laud was impeached by the House of Commons, and tried before the House of Lords. In 1641, fourteen articles of impeachment were filed, and Laud was committed to prison. In 1644, ten additional articles were brought forward, and the trial now commenced. All the articles may be reduced to three general heads. I. That he had traitorously attempted to subvert the rights of parliament, and to exalt the king's Dower above law. II. That he had traitorously endeavoured to subvert the constitution and fundamental laws of the land,

and to introduce arbitrary government, against law and the liberties of the subjects. III. That he had traitorously endeavoured and practised to subvert the true religion established by law, and to introduce popish superstition and idolatry. Under this last head, the specifications were, first, that he introduced and practised popish innovations and superstitious ceremonies, not warranted by law; such as images and pictures in the churches, popish consecration of churches, converting the communion tables into altars, bowing before the altars, &c., and, secondly, that he endeavoured to subvert the protestant religion, and encouraged Arminianism and popery; by patrouizing and advancing clergymen of these sentiments; by prohibiting the publication of orthodox books, and allowing corrupt ones free circulation; by persecuting, in the high commission court, such as preached against Arminianism and popery; and by taking some direct steps towards a union with the church of Rome. The House of Lords deemed all the articles proved; but doubted, for a time, whether they amounted to treason. See the whole trial of Laud, in Neal's Hist. of the Puritans, vol. iii, ch. v. p. 184-255, Tr.]

king himself, and caused him, when taken prisoner, to be tried for his life, and, to the astonishment of all Europe, to be put to death, in the year 1648. Such are the evils resulting from zeal in religion, when it is ill understood, and is placed in external regulations and forms. Moreover, as is often found true, it appeared in these scenes of commotion, that almost all sects, while oppressed, plead earnestly for charity and moderation towards dissenters; but when elevated to power, they forget their own former precepts. For the Puritans when they had dominion, were no more indulgent to the bishops and their patrons than these had formerly been to them."

§ 21. The Independents, who have been just mentioned among the promoters of civil discord, are represented by most of the English historians as more odious and unreasonable than even the Presbyterians or Calvinists, and are commonly charged with various enormities and crimes, and indeed with the parricide committed upon Charles I. But I apprehend, that whoever shall candidly read and consider the books and the confessions of the sect, will cheerfully acknowledge, that many crimes are unjustly charged upon them; and that probably the misconduct of the civil Independents (that is, of those hostile to the regal power, and who strove after extravagant liberty,) has been incautiously charged upon the religious Independents.7

Besides lord Clarendon, and the historians of England already mentioned, Daniel Neal has professedly treated of these events, in the second and third volumes of his History of the Puritans. [Compare also Johnson Grant's History of the English Church and Sects, vol. ii. ch. x. xi. p. 127–303. Tr.]

The sect of the Independents, though a modern one, and still existing among the English, is, however, less known than almost any Christian sect; and on no one are more marks of infamy branded, without just cause. The best English historians heap upon it all the reproaches and slanders that can be thought of; nor is it the Episcopalians only who do this, but also those very Presbyterians, with whom they are at this day associated. They are represented, not only as delirious, crazy, fanatical, illiterate, rude, factious, and strangers to all religious truth, and to reason, but also as criminals, seditious parricides, and the sole authors of the murder of Charles I. John Durell, (whom that most strenu

ous vindicator of the Independents, Lewis du Moulin, commends for his ingenuousness; see Anth. Wood's Athena Oxonienses, tom. ii. p. 732, 733,) in his Historia Rituum Sanctæ Ecclesiæ Anglicana, cap. i. p. 4, Lond. 1672, 4to, says, “Fateor, si atrocis illius tragœdiæ tot actus fuerint, quot ludicrarum esse solent, postremum fere Independentium fuisse.

Adeo ut non acute magis, quam vere, dixerit L'Estrangius noster Regem primo a Presbyterianis interemptum, Carolum deinde ab Independentibus interfectum." Foreign writers, regarding these as the best witnesses of transactions in their own country, have, of course, thought proper to follow them: and hence the Independents almost every where appear under a horrid aspect. But, as every class of men is composed of dissimilar persons, no one will deny, that in this sect also there were some persons, who were turbulent, factious, wicked, flagitious, and destitute of good serise. Yet if that is also true, which all wise and good men inculcate, that

They derived their name from the fact, that they believed, with the Brownists, that individual churches are all independent,

the character and the principles of whole sects must be estimated, not from the conduct or words of a few individuals, but from the customs, habits, and opinions of the sect in general, from the books and discourses of its teachers, and from its public formularies and confessions; then, I am either wholly deceived, or the Independents are wrongfully loaded with so many criminations.

We pass over what has been so invidiously written against this sect, by Clarendon, Laurence Echard, Samuel Parker, and many others; and to render this whole subject the more clear, we will take up only that one excellent writer, than whom, though a foreigner, no one, as the English themselves admit, has written more accurately and neatly concerning the affairs of England, namely, Rapin-Thoyras. In the twenty-first book of his immortal work, the Histoire d'Angleterre, vol. viii. p. 535, ed. second, [Tindal's translation, vol. ii. p. 514, fol.] he so depicts the Independents, that, if they were truly what he represents them, they would not deserve to enjoy the light of their land, which they still do enjoy freely, and much less to enjoy the kind offices and love of any good man. Let us look over, particularly, and briefly comment on the declarations of this great man concerning them. In the first place, he tells us, that after the utmost pains, he could not ascertain the origin of the sect: "Quelque recherche que j'aye faite, je n'ai jamais pu decouvrir exactement la première origine de la secte ou faction des Indépendents." That a man who had spent seventeen years in composing a History of England, and consulted so many libraries filled with the rarest books, should have written thus, is very strange. If he had only looked into that very noted book, Jo. Hornbeck's Summa Controversiarum, lib. x. p. 775, &c. he might easily have learned what he was ignorant of, after so much research. He proceeds to the doctrines of the sect; and says of them in general, that nothing could be better suited to throw all England into confusion. "Ce qu'il y a de certain, c'est qu'ils avoient des principes tout à fait propres à mettre l'Angleterre en combustion, comme ils le firent effectivement." How true this

declaration is, will appear from what follows. He adds, first, respecting politics, they held very pernicious sentiments. For they would not have a single man preside over the whole state; but thought that the government of the nation should be intrusted to the representatives of the people. “Par rapport au Gouvernement de l'Etat, ils abhorroient la Monarchie, et n'approuvoient qu'un Gouvernement Républicain." I can readily believe, that there were persons among the Independents unfriendly to monarchy. Such were to be found among the Presbyterians, the Anabaptists, and all the sects which then flourished in England. But I wish to see decisive testimony adduced, if it can be, to prove this the common sentiment of this whole sect. Such testimony is in vain sought for, in their public writings. On the contrary, in the year 1647, they publicly declared, "that they do not disapprove of any form of civil government, but do freely acknowledge, that a kingly government, bounded by just and wholesome laws, is both allowed by God, and a good accommodation unto men." See Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. iii. p. 146, [ed. Boston, 1817, p. 161.] I pass over other proofs, equally conclusive, that they did not abhor all monarchy. Their religious opinions, according to our author, were most absurd. For, if we may believe him, their sentiments were contrary to those of all other sects. "Sur la religion, leurs principes étoient opposez a ceux de tout le reste du monde." There are extant, in particular, two Confessions of the Independents; the one of those in Holland, the other of those in England. The first was drawn up by John Robinson, the founder of the sect, and was published at Leyden, 1619, 4to, entitled, Apologia pro Exulibus Anglis, qui Brownista vulgo appellantur. The latter was printed London, 1658, 4to, entitled, A Declaration of the faith and order owned and practised in the Congregational churches in England, [more than 100 in number, Tr.] agreed upon, and consented unto by their Elders and Messengers in their meeting at the Savoy, October 12, 1658. John Hornbeck translated it into Latin, in 1659, and annexed it to his Epistle to Duræus, de Independentismo. From both these, to say nothing of their other works,

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