SECTION XVIII. Certain truths respecting the Science of Government-The Union between Ireland and Great Britain necessary to the freedom and true independence of Ireland--The prosperity of the Trade and Commerce of Ireland since the Union-A View of the Increase of Trade there during the last century-The improvement of the Sea-coasts much more important than inland navigation. " go MR. HUME, in an ingenious inquiry into the question whether vernment may be reduced to a science, or whether every form of government may not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered, says, were it once admitted that all governments are alike, and that the only difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most political disputes would be at an end, and all zeal for one constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly." "It is true," he adds, "those who maintain that the goodness of all governments consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular instances in history where the very same government, in different hands, has varied suddenly into two opposite extremes of good and bad. Compare the French government under HENRY III. and under HENRY IV. Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers-faction, sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty, on the part of the subjects: these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the throne, the government, the people, every thing seemed to be totally changed, and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these two sovereigns. Instances of this kind may be multiplied almost without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well as domestic." "But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute government must very much depend on the administration; and this is one of the great inconveniences attending that form of government, * For forms of Government let fools contest, Whate'er is best administered is best. Essay on Man, B. 3. "But a republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the particular checks and controuls provided by the constitution had really no influence, and made it not the interest even of bad men to act for the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted as, on the other hand, they are the source of all disorder and of the blackest crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original form and institution. It may, therefore, be pronounced, as an universal axiom in politics, that an hereditary prince, and nobility without vassals, and a people acting by their representatives, form the best MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY, and DEMOCRACY,”. But this great philosopher and historian, in order to prove more fully, that politics admit of general truths, which are invariable by the humour and education of either subject or sovereign, lays down some other principles of this science, which he considers as deserving that character." Amongst these he lays down the following lamentable truth, "That though free Governments have been commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom, yet are they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces." And this observation may be, he adds, "fixed as a maxim of the kind we are speaking of, and that the provinces of absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states. Compare the Pais Conquis of FRANCE with IRELAND, and you will be convinced of this truth, though this latter kingdom, being in a good measure peopled from ENGLAND, possesses so many rights and privileges as should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a conquered province."* Montesquieu observes, that England, through a jealousy of Ireland, on account of its situation, its fertility, and the excellence of its ports, notwithstanding she established there her own laws, imposed on it such restrictions, that, while the people enjoyed individual liberty, the country itself was kept in a state of political slavery.† However mortifying it may be to the pride of a nation, which, on many occasions, has manifested a spirit of liberality worthy of a great and independent empire, it must be allowed, if we consult the page of impartial history, that these reflexions are too much founded in truth.‡ An union between Ireland and Great Britain, similar to that which was formed between Scotland and England, has been generally looked * Hume's Essays, vol. i, p. 24, 25, 30. up to by men attentive to the principles of political science as the only means of putting an end to all these jealousies and oppressions, and leading to a more enlightened system of policy with regard to the sister island.* Seventeen years have now rolled on their course since that desired event of an union between Ireland and Great Britain has been effected. Since that period, if Ireland has not as yet reaped the whole benefits which may naturally be expected from this important measure, there is little doubt but that it is very considerably increased in its agriculture, trade and commerce, as is fully proved by the author of the "Estimate of the strength of the British Isles."+ This author has stated the actual amount of shipping employed in the inward and outward trade between Great Britain and Ireland at the Union, by taking four periods of three years average, each, the first ending with the year 1800; by which it appears, that, in the last period, ending with 1809, there were more than in the first, by no less than 1,678 voyages, carrying 195,168 tons, and that in fact, whether we view the value of the exports and imports of Ireland, both before and after the union, or consider the augmented numbers of annual voyages for carrying those cargoes since that event, or the increase of the number of Irish ships during the years which have passed since the union, we may perceive how little foundation there is for saying that the commercial prosperity has very visibly declined since that measure was carried into effect. England, Scotland, and Ireland, were but in their infancy during King William's reign, having severally revived from the waste and wretchedness of the grand rebellion. In England the annual expenditure, during William's wars, could not be carried much beyond six millions, which, however, went, in its efficacy, much further than the same sum at present. Ireland, in 1811, expended 11,182,133. In England, William's wars left a public debt of £10,066,777. The public debt of Ireland, on the 1st of January 1812, was £63,115,037, funded and unfunded. The surplus of products of England, during King William's reign, which were exported, amounted only to £4,086,087. The shipping, British and foreign, which transported those cargoes, amounted only to 244,788 tons. In 1811, the whole surplus products of Ireland, which were exported, amounted in official value to £6,090,411, and which were computed to amount in real See Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. iii, p. It was on these principles that a memorial was drawn up and presented, by the commands of an illustrious personage, to Lord Cornwallis, in the year 1798, which it has been said, in soine measure, decided that great statesman and soldier on attempting to carry the union, which he at last effected. + Chalmers's Estimate. Sect. on the Economy of Ireland. Ed. 1812. value to £11,945,000, and to export this cargo required 9,309 vessels, to carry 898,386 tons. Nor is it saying too much to state, that the over-sea trade is, in its real amount, quite equal to the over-sea traffic of England at the accession of George II. Ireland, as Mr. Chalmers has observed, possesses an energy and a power of resuscitation in so high a degree, that notwithstanding all the disorder, neglects, warfare, and oppression to which she has been subjected, the smallest intervention of peace and quiet restores the trade, commerce, and means of that island in a wonderful degree. One truth is certain, he adds, that Ireland, whether well or ill-governed, will flourish in the absence of violence, warfare, of tumult and rebellion. If it were not from the fear of intruding too much on the patience of our readers, we should have much pleasure in tracing this curious fact, which is fully confirmed by the history of Ireland. We shall content ourselves, therefore, with only exhibiting the increase of the trade of Ireland during the last century, by three years' average of the exports and imports, at three different periods, begining the three years ending in 1701, of which the With those who are ready to suppose that this account is no sign of prosperity, as the balance of trade in all these periods is against her, we shall not dispute at present; but with those who more wisely consider that the gains of import are as great as those of export, and that the amount of the whole over-sea trade is best seen in the amount, both of the value of exports and of imports, added together, we shall take a view of both. The total of both, then, according to a three years' average, ending with 1701 Amounted to The three years' average, ending with 1751, was Total Trade. £1,505,668 3,554,042 9,691,029 Such, then, is the animating view of Irish industry during a century of domestic contest and foreign war.* Mr. Chalmers's reflections on these interesting facts, are very im *Chalmers's Estimate. pressive :- "Such, then, is the more accurate amount of Irish over-sea trade at those three epochs, at the distance of half a century from each other, as the custom-house registers testify. Every one who understands common arithmetic knows that three are more than one; and that nine are equal to three times three. The first fifty years appears in its value to be one multiplied by three; and the second fifty years to be three multiplied by three, nearly. There can be no doubt, then, whether Ireland had not prospered greatly in her commercial affairs in the hundred years which ended with 1800, the epoch of her union." In considering this interesting topic, from those three averages only, without taking in the collateral circumstances, we are wholly freed from the embarrassment of regarding who were, in the mean time, the viceroys or ministers, or persons governing, or patriots opposing; we have merely before our eyes and understandings THE PEOPLE THEMSELVES. In 1700 Ireland had but few people, little industry and skill, and still less capital. During the affluxion of a century of wars, of disputes, and convulsions, Ireland acquired many people, more industry, more skill, and still more capital.* And whence did she obtain the people, the industy, the skill, and the capital which produced in 1800 so great a trade as the value of £9,691,029? The answer must be, from her own powers of reproduction. And we thus incidentally perceive how little Ireland owes, during that century of acquirement, either to her persons in power, or to her patriots out of power. This moral truth is of the greatest importance, not only to Ireland, but to every country which is running that race of industry, how much the people owe to their own efforts, and how little to the intermeddling of others. The exports of Ireland are naturally divided into two great classes, the produce of the soil and the produce of industry. The first comprehends the various productions of grain and provisions, the second linen and woollen goods, together with spirits, the only objects of commerce resulting from Irish industry of which a considerable export has yet taken place. * It is here proper to recollect, that the legal interest of money in Ireland was reduced in 1704 from ten per cent. to eight, in 1722 to seven, and in 1732 to six per cent. These se veral reductions imply, that wealth and capital began to increase with the increasing numbers of the people and their industry. |