either to listen to them, or to address them. He then began to employ himself in signing some of the numerous papers which covered the table. He particularly selected many promotions in the legion of honour, to be conferred on those who had distinguished themselves at Waterloo; and he searched the whole heap for every pardon, which he signed without reading.

Napoleon had never conceived that the chambers would have either the power to effect, or the boldness The sound of a chariot driving rapidly was now to attempt, the measure to which Lucien alluded. He heard, and Prince Lucien was announced. He alone, believed that it was only necessary to persist in his rewith Bertrand, had strenuously opposed Napoleon's fusal to abdicate, and when they saw that their object abdication, and urged him to dissolve the chambers, could not be accomplished, they would unite with him and crush his enemies by one decisive blow. He had in endeavouring to repair the losses of the campaign. heard of the tumultuous scene in the chambers that The hint, however, at the probable declaration that be morning, and was aware that a motion would soon be had forfeited the crown, irritated him to madness, and made, that his brother had forfeited the crown. He he sent in great haste for Davoust, the minister of war, now came to make one last effort before it was too late. and abruptly inquired what force he could lead against As soon as Napoleon saw him, he guessed the purport the assembly, if he were compelled to proceed to extreof his visit, and, turning suddenly pale, he seized him mities. Davoust was convinced that the fortunes of his by the arm, and hurried him into a shady walk in the master were declining, and that, by any violent meagarden, that their conference might be undisturbed. sure, he might involve himself in his ruin. He, thereThe writer to whom we are indebted for this account fore, at first, hesitated, and finally replied, that he was followed at some distance, through the windings with too well acquainted with the patriotic views of Napoleon which he was acquainted, and got behind a close shade, to believe that he seriously meditated any attack on where he overheard the concluding sentences of their the representatives of the nation; and that no force, discourse. Napoleon was greatly agitated; and Lu- which he could possibly muster, would be able permacien's voice betrayed an emotion, in which affection for nently to triumph over the independence of France. his brother, and anger at his obstinacy, appeared to be united.

Lucien.-"Where is your firmness?-Lay aside these irresolutions-you know what it will cost not to dare." Napoleon." I have dared too much."

"I understand you,” replied Buonaparte. "My sun is set!" and he abruptly quitted the apartment.

Lucien, greatly agitated, got into his chariot, and said to a secretary, "What would you have? The smoke of the battle of St. Jean has turned his head:

Lucien.-"Too much and too little-dare this last he is a lost man!"

time."

Napoleon, bermetically closed in his cabinet, did not stir out of it for an hour, and no one dared to interrupt him. He was heard incessantly pacing the room, and uttering the most violent exclamations. At length he rung for some coffee, which a valet de chambre sent up to him by a child whom Napoleon had particularly distinguished, and who was often commissioned to Lucien.—“They are in such a case rebels, and, what wait on him when his servants dared not expose

Napoleon.-"What! another eighteenth Brumaire?" Lucien.-"By no means a decree quite constitutional. The constitution gives you this right."

Napoleon." They do not love the constitution; they term it old blotted waste paper. And, if they oppose the decree"

is still better, they are more easily dispersed."

Napoleon." They have appealed to the national guard, which is not attached to me; it will come to their succour."

Lucien." The national guard possesses no force but that of resistance; when called upon to act, the shopkeepers will think on their wives and their business."

Napoleon." An eighteenth Brumaire might, if it should fail, lead to a thirteenth Vendemaire."

Lucien.-"You are deliberating when you should act; they are acting, not deliberating."

Napoleon."What can they do? They are mere

talkers."

them

selves to his furious and ungovernable temper.
The usurper was now sitting in a fixed posture, with
his head leaning on his bands. He did not observe the
entrance of the child, who stood some minutes before
him, afraid to disturb him. At length he approached
nearer, and affectionately said, "Eat some! eat some,
sire! it will do you good!"

Napoleon gazed stedfastly upon him, but made no reply.

The child again presented the refreshment, which was now accepted.

"Are you not from Gonesse?" said Buonaparte. "No, sire! I am of Pierre Fète."

"Where your parents have a cottage and a few acres?"

"Yes, sire!"

"Ah! they are happy!"

Napoleon, having returned to the chamber of audience, found two of his secretaries there, opening despatches.

"Is there any news?" he enquired.

"Here is a letter," said one of the secretaries, "which came under an enclosure, addressed to your majesty." | Napoleon took the letter, and read as follows: "Nature had done much for you, fortune still more. Born in an age which enjoys the inheritance of ages, of genius, and philosophy, you yourself, the heir of all the revolutions, comprehended in the French revolution; you should have established that epoch which was always the object of our wishes, in which genius would employ revolutions, for the purpose of infusing philosophy into the science of politics, and conducting nations to happiness. That happiness exists in the stability and dignity of legitimate governments, by means of that possession which is guaranteed by a free choice: it consists in the independence of nations, and in the liberty of their citizens-independence without conquests-liberty without licentiousness-property without privilege-an enjoyment of rights honoured by the performance of duties. Behold the benefits which France, which Europe expected from your judgment, your talents, and your gratitude. France demanded a government, which, democratical in its origin, and monarchical in practice, might temper with mixed institutions, the aristocracy of its intermediate bodies. Germany called for a stronger tie, which might unite, under a more uniform centre of action, the enervated members of her gigantic body. Italy demanded that a sacred confederation, under the holy yoke of opinion, should bind together its states, divided as to legislation, but closely united to each other by language, taste, and manners. Switzerland wished for the repose of her mountains-Holland for the protection of her commerce. Spain, connecting with the love of political liberty, prejudices which severe philosophy combats, and which a more accommodating policy renders useful -Spain invoked, at the same time, the maintenance of her worship, the restoration of her monarchy, and the emancipation of her citizens. It was almost the same with the rest of Europe. The light which illumined her during the last years of the eighteenth century, was like that of a conflagration, flaming and terrible. A mild light proceeding from the North, had given the signal for a progressive regeneration, without convulsions and without re-actions. Instead of your seizing upon this for the safety of all, what have you done?

"The mechanical spring of intellect, which prudence could only have converted into genius, is weakened in your head. You understood that the energy of your character would receive additional strength from the energy of circumstances; and these two instruments affording mutual assistance to each other, you have given to the attentive world an example of an ambition always devouring, and never satisfied.

"To nations stirred up by our revolution, you promised liberty and independence; to kings, the restoration of their governments, and the dignity of their thrones; to religion, rank and respect; to cominerce, capital, liberty, and protection; to proprietors of lands, laws and securities; to fathers of families you have given desires and hopes. Thus addressing principles, rousing parodoxes, and cherishing the passions, you have united the most opposite minds; you have concealed intentions most widely separated. Each was in search of happiness-you have promised it to every one.

"To whom have you given it? To nobody! In room of that shadow of liberty which enchanted the first period of the revolution, you have substituted the phantom of glory. Slaughter was spread under the colours of the one, in order to reach the other, which was always flying from us: men were flying to death, of these brilliant theories, the most evident result is death.

"What did it signify to you, provided that, at the sound of your name, the earth would be silent?-What did it signify, provided that Europe, shared between your brothers, should become, as it were, a field of corn, divided between heirs? Your federative system was the means of these divisions; the humbling of England was the pretext. Perhaps that was also the motive: for I do not deny to you, neither an egotistical species of patriotism, nor a cosmopolite ambition. What then was wanting to your genius? Common sense!

"Yes, sense has deserted your understanding, and sensibility has forsaken your soul. Endowed with either one or the other, you might have comprehended, you might have felt, that, in working with men, you were not working with rude matter. What has resulted from this contempt of your species? That the minority may remain your accomplices; but that the majority, which at first had followed you, preferred becoming your victims.-This is what honour prescribed. But, if honour forbids sometimes calling in aid, it oftentimes prescribes to profit by it when offered. This is what your enemies are doing. The powers of the earth have put arms in the hands of their soldiers, in their own defence-we shall make use of them to punish you,

might be preserved and heightened; but that a decree of forfeiture would for ever tarnish it. He appealed to his feelings as a brother and a father. By sacrificing his own greatness to effect the salvation of his country, he would secure the gratitude of France, and that could not be more naturally displayed than in the honours which would surround his family; and, on the other hand, Solignac reminded him, that all connected with him must share in his disgrace, and be involved in his ruin. All these arguments, however, proved unavailing, and the Corsican appeared determined to brave his fate.

"The chastisement of a hero (for if Attila, Gengis, | Napoleon, that, by a voluntary abdication, his glory and Tamerlane, were heroes, you are one also) always consists in his fall. Yours is resolved upon; and that history may find it legal, as well as your contemporaries may think it legitimate, it is the public authority which is about to pronounce it-Your accomplices cannot exclaim that it is the work of Kalmuck bayonets. You may, however, anticipate it. Reserve to yourself the honour of descending from a throne, that you may not be torn from it.-This is the advice of an honest enemy, who often admired, but who never feared you; and who, at the price of his blood, would have wished to have reverenced in you the saviour of the world, of which you have been the scourge. That enemy cannot leave him whom his own genius and the national will have made a sovereign, without pronouncing that word which a friend (provided he has one remaining) should not withhold, Abdicate.

"PHILADELPHIN."

“I abdicate!" exclaimed Napoleon, pressing his lip, and crushing the letter between his hands." What think you of it?" said he to two of his ministers of state, who just entered. These were M. de Boulay and Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely.-The first was silent.

66

"I understand you," said Napoleon, turning pale, "you are of the same opinion as the anonymous writer." Boulay was silent.

"And you, Count Regnault, what is your advice?" "With men and money your majesty might make resistance; but, without them, what can you do but yield?"

"I can resist—"

66

Opinion is on the side of the chambers, and the chambers think a sacrifice should be made."

This resistance, which lasted upwards of half an hour, suggested to Solignac the idea of proposing that Buonaparte should abdicate in favour of his son. He would not then have exerted himself to no purpose in reclaiming the throne which he had before abdicated in favour of the Bourbons. Napoleon would yet live and reign in the person of his son; or, if he were at first excluded from any share in the government, yet his brothers would be the most natural guardians of the infant prince, and, by degrees, the affection and gratitude of the son might open a way for the return of the father, if not to the imperial dignity, yet to public life, and though not the ostensible, yet he might become the actual ruler of France.

These ideas were either stated by Solignac, or presented themselves to the mind of the usurper; and, as the latter now began to perceive that his situation was desperate, he consented to abdicate in favour of his son. A secretary was accordingly summoned, and the following declaration was immediately drawn up :—. "Frenchmen! In commencing war for maintaining

Here Lieutenant-general Solignac, a member of the the national independence, I relied on the union of all

chamber of representatives, was announced.

"Solignac!" exclaimed the Corsican; "I have not spoken to him for five years; what does he want with

me?"

The ministers left the room, and the general entered. Solignac immediately explained the object of his mission. He stated the disposition of the chambers, and the method by which he had succeeded in averting for one hour the fatal decision, and he entreated Napoleon to prevent the disgrace of forfeiture, by a voluntary abdication.

The word forfeiture again excited a storm of ungovernable passion in the breast of Buonaparte. He lavished every species of abuse on the chambers and on the general. But Solignac was determined to take no offence. He therefore suffered the tempest to pass over, and again returned to the charge. He reminded

efforts, of all wills, and the concurrence of all the national authorities. I had reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the allied powers against me.

"Circumstances appear to be changed. I offer myself a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their declarations, and have really directed them only against my power. My political life is terminated, and I proclaim my son, under the title of Napoleon II., emperor of the French.

"The present members will provisionally form the council of the government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to invite the chambers to form the regency by a law without delay.

"Unite all for the public safety, in order to remain an independent nation.

From the Second Abdication of Napoleon Buonaparte to the Return of Louis XVIII.

SOLIGNA OLIGNAC hastened to the assembly with Napoleon's | felicity of France, or while it could be supported withabdication, which was received with every mark of respect. Those members who had been most eager in their cries for Buonaparte's abdication or forfeiture, were the foremost in expressing their gratitude for the sacrifice which he had now made. La Fayette proposed that his person and interests should be placed under the protection of the nation, and this resolution was carried by acclamation. Regnault, who had already proved his love to his country by the advice which he had lately given at the palace, was eager to shew that no change of circumstances could diminish his affection for his former master.

"Gentlemen," said he, "I am no longer a minister; but I am a representative of the people, and I have a right to claim this title, for I have proved myself such even in the cabinet of the prince, towards whom you have still a duty to perform; and I feel confident that no one will disavow the sentiments which I am about to express.

"You have had at your head a man whom you have proclaimed great. This man posterity will judge. He was invested by the people with sovereign power. He has laid it aside without reserve, and without personal consideration. The chamber should become the interpreter of the sentiments which are due to him, and which the nation will preserve towards him. I propose that the president and his bureau shall wait upon Napoleon to express to him, in the name of the nation, the gratitude and respect with which it accepts the noble sacrifice which he has made for the independence and happiness of the French people."

out the hazard of completely ruining their native land, they had rallied round him, and would have defended him with their lives. But the fatal defeat of Waterloo had again exposed their country to the invasion of a million of armed foreigners, who had sworn never to make peace with Napoleon, but who, in other respects, had solemnly promised to guarantee the independence of France, and to permit them to choose their own goverument. Napoleon's abdication was the only expedient which could disarm the fury of the enemy, who could no longer consistently carry on the war, when the object against whom alone they professed to have drawn the sword had terminated his political existence; and in proportion as the sacrifice which he had made was important to France, their gratitude to him increased. Though, in consequence of his own generous abdication, he was no longer their sovereign, they loved and honoured him as the first and most illustrious of their citizens. His safety and his dearest interests would be the object of their tender solicitude, and would be ever considered as a sacred deposit committed to their care.

To this address Napoleon replied," I thank you for the sentiments you express. I recommend the chambers to reinforce the armies, and to place them in the best state of defence. Those who wish for peace, ought to prepare for war. Do not expose this great nation to the mercy of the foreigners, lest your hopes should be disappointed. In whatever situation I may be placed, I shall be happy if France be free and independent. In transferring the right which France has given me to my son, I consult only the welfare of the nation, and the interest of my son, whom I therefore proclaim emperor."

The president observed that the assembly had not deliberated on this point, and had charged him with no commission.

This motion was unanimously carried, and the president, Lanjuinais, attended by the vice-presidents and secretaries, proceeded to the palace Elysée. Buonaparte received them surrounded by all his former ministers, by all the grand officers of his household, and by a strong body of his guard; as if anxious once more to appear as a sovereign before he retired for ever into "I told you so," said Buonaparte aside to Lucien : the private walks of life. He was pale and exhausted "I did not think that they would do it." "Tell the from the effect of previous agitation, but his deport-assembly," he continued, turning to the president, ment was firm and collected. "that I recommend to them my son: that I abdicate only in favour of my son."

Lanjuinais approached with more than usual respect, and with evident emotion. He said, he was commissioned to express the gratitude which the deputies unanimously felt for his generous compliance with their wishes, and the imperious demand of circumstances. When his throne was connected with the glory and the

The first business of the chambers was to appoint a committee who should provisionally assume the chief command. This committee consisted of the Duke of Otranto, (Fouché,) minister of the police; the Duke of Vicenza, (Caulincourt,) minister for foreign affairs;

PROCLAMATION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.

Carnot, minister of the interior; General Grenier; and M. Quinette. Of these, three were appointed by the chamber of deputies, and two by the peers.

sioned a warm debate in both chambers, and a very curious one in the chamber of peers. From the si

The proceedings of the provisional government were lence of both houses respecting the condition on which opened by the following proclamation :

Napoleon had abdicated, and the observation of the president of the deputies, that he had no commission to speak on that head, the friends of Buonaparte began to fear that some plot was in agitation unfavourable to his dynasty: they suspected that the delusive theory of a republic would be again attempted, or that the recall of the Bourbons was in contemplation. They, therefore, resolved to ascertain this important fact, and, very evening of the day on which Napoleon had abdicated, Prince Lucien opened the business in the chamber of

Plenipotentiaries have been despatched, in order to treat in the name of the nation, and to negotiate with the powers of Europe that peace which they have pro-mous vote, declare before the French people and foreign mised on one condition, which is now fulfilled.