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Westmoreland ceased in Connecticut, and was transferred to Pennsylvania. It was not until about ten years after this event that Connecticut so far recovered her resources as to be able to make remuneration to those suffering towns which she indemnified. Being no longer a portion of the state, no provision was made for us, as there doubtless would have been, had Westmoreland continued a component part of Connecticut.

Pennsylvania, with a liberality and public spirit most honourable to her patriotism and justice, has granted ample rewards to officers and soldiers of her line, and to others, whose sufferings and merits in the cause commended them to her consideration. Not having been harmoniously a part of Pennsylvania, but maintaining an attitude of opposition, if not of hostility, during, and indeed for some time after the war, it could not be asked or expected that she would make good the losses, or grant rewards for the sufferings of the Wyoming people. So that, to use a common but expressive phrase, "between two stools we came to the ground." Moreover, the disasters of the war utterly prostrated the people of Wyoming. Most of our natural guardians and protectors were slain, and amongst them many of our chief men; widows and orphans, aged or very young men, destitute and poor, constituted our chief population. The unhappy dispute, since, so satisfactorily adjusted by our present parent and protector, noble and liberal Pennsylvania, still continued, as you doubtless know, to perplex and impoverish us. To obtain "this day our daily bread," occupied the thoughts and exertions of us all, and no application was made to Connecticut to share in the bounty she was liberally dispensing. But we ask your patience while we show, as we are sure we can, that to the general government we have a right fairly to look for aid. The services performed, the sufferings endured, and the losses sustained were all in the public service, for the general cause. They all tended to the great end of accomplishing national independence, which has brought prosperity so unbounded to our beloved country. All the debts founded on contract having been paid, Congress have recently, with just and liberal hand, been meting out to claimants, not by contract, but in equity, liberal rewards for services performed, sufferings endured, or losses sustained. In those three particulars, no claim can be stronger than that of Wyoming. Moreover, there is a strong point which we mean to indicate, but not to argue, which statesmen, familiar with the springs of events, will judge whether it has truth for its foundation. About the close of the war, when the issue was certain, and a great empire of independent and powerful sovereignties was taking rank among the nations, it was deemed of the utmost importance that all dispute about territory and jurisdiction should be put to rest. Powerful states were to be conciliated by the favourable adjustment of their claims. Indemnifications were to be allowed to others. Little would those patriots have deserved the award we all yield their wisdom and sagacity, if they had not adopted proper measures to harmonize conflicting interests, and to consolidate the union. How far the national policy we speak of influenced the various measures and final decision which confirmed to Pennsylvania the whole extent of her chartered limits, and granted to Connecticut an indemnification in Ohio, we need not here demonstrate. Certainly that policy was, in a national point of view, wise-a benefit to Connecticut-a blessing to Pennsylvania; and if, for the common good, it excluded Westmoreland from a participation with other towns indemnified, is it not right that the common purse should afford her such remuneration as may be just?

Again-The old continental Congress passed a resolution, Oct. 10, 1780, in which it was declared, in reference to the unappropriated lands which may be ceded to the United States, "that the necessary and reasonable expenses which any particular state shall have incurred since the commencement of the present war, in subduing the British posts, or in maintaining forts and garrisons within and for the defence of, or in acquiring any part of the territory that may be ceded or relinquished to the United States, shall be reimbursed." Although the words of the resolution do not reach us, we do respectfully suggest, that its spirit makes strongly in favour of the Wyoming claim.

During the revolutionary war, Wyoming stood an extreme frontier-an outpost on the borders of the settlements of the savage enemy. To Sunbury, the nearest inhabited place down the Susquehanna, it was sixty miles; through the Great

Swamp it was sixty miles; a pathless wilderness to Bethlehem or Easton. The warlike and bloody Mohawks, Senecas, and others of the Six Nations, occupied all the upper branches of the Susquehanna, and were within a few hours sail of our settlements, which were exposed to constant attacks. Our pathways were ambushed, and midnight gleamed with constant conflagration of our dwellings. Thus exposed we stood as a shield to all the inhabitants below us. In this situa tion every man might justly be regarded as on duty continually. Every man might have been considered as enlisted for and during the whole war. There was no peace, no security at Wyoming. The husbandman took his hoe in one hand and his rifle in the other, to his cornfield. Several forts were built and garrisons steadily maintained. Such was the case with Jenkins's Fort, Forty Fort, and the fort of Wilkesbarre. This was done by the people, by the militia, by common consent and common exertion.* Three hundred miles from Connecticut, it was vain to ask assistance from her, exerting every nerve as she was for the common defence and for the protection of her extensive and exposed sea board. If states which ceded lands were entitled to be reimbursed for keeping up forts, we submit whether a people situated like those of Wyoming, may not properly ask for reimbursement since not only themselves, but a wide extent of country below, slept in comparative security through their position and exertions?

But Congress early saw and felt for the extremely exposed situation of Wyoming. On the 23d August, 1776, resolutions were entered into, of which one is in the following words: "That two companies on the continental establishment be raised in the town of Westmoreland, and stationed in proper places for the defence of said town and parts adjacent, till further orders of Congress." The Monday fol lowing, August 26, "Congress proceeded to the election of sundry officers, when Robert Durkee and Samuel Ransom were chosen captains of the two companies ordered to be raised in Westmoreland; James Wells and Perrin Ross first Lieutenants; Heman Swift and Matthias Hollenback ensigns of said companies." Thus the general government-the continental Congress, took the special defence of Wyoming into their own hands. They were satisfied, it seems, that the militia, however well organized, were not sufficient for its defence. A regular force was deemed necessary, and orders were issued for raising that force "for the special defence of that town and parts adjacent." By another clause it was provided that the men thus raised should be liable to serve in any part of the United States. This provision, notwithstanding they were raised expressly "for the defence of the inhabitants," &c., was perfectly proper; for if the savages on the upper waters of the Susquehanna should be driven off by a force from Albany or elsewhere, so that the source of impending danger should be removed, there was nothing more proper than that those companies, being no longer needed for the defence of the inhabitants, should be marched elsewhere at the discretion of Congress. Imperious necessity, however, almost immediately induced Congress, without the implied contingency of the proximate enemy being removed, to call their services in another quarter. On the 25th October, 1776, the battle of White Plains was fought, and Washington retreated. November 16, Fort Washington surrendered to the enemy, who immediately pushed his victorious troops in pursuit of the American army, and on the 2d December his excellency retired through Princeton to Trenton, Lord Cornwallis pushing upon his rear. "The army," says Marshall, "at no time during the retreat, exceeded four thousand men, and on reach

* Extract from the Westmoreland records.

At a town-meeting legally warned and held in Westmoreland, Wilkesbarre district, August ye 24th, 1776, Col. Butler was chosen moderator for ye work of ye day.

Voted, It is the opinion of this meeting that it now becomes necessary for ye inhabitants of this town to erect suitable fort or forts, as a defence against our common enemy. August 28th, 1776, this meeting is opened and held by adjournment.

Voted, Ye three field officers of ye regiment of this town be appointed as a committee to view the most suitable places for building forts for ye defence of said town, and determine on some particular spot or place or places in each district for the purpose, and mark out the same.

Voted, That the above said committee do recommend it to the people in each part as shall be set off by them to belong to any fort, to proceed forthwith in building said fort, &c. without either fee or reward from ye said town.

ing the Delaware was reduced to less than three thousand, of whom not quite one third were militia of New Jersey." "The commander-in-chief found himself at the head of this small band of soldiers, dispirited by their losses and fatigues, retreating almost naked and barefoot in the cold of November and December, before a numerous, well appointed and victorious army."

On the 12th December, Congress passed a resolution setting forth that, "whereas the movements of the enemy have rendered this city (Philadelphia) the seat of war," &c., they resolved to adjourn to meet at Baltimore. The SAME DAY they adopted the following resolution: "Resolved, that the two companies raised in Westmoreland be ordered to join Gen. Washington WITH ALL POSSIBLE EXPEDITION."

Thus within less than four months from the first order to raise these companies, and probably within less than ninety days from their enlistment and organization, the extreme and pressing exigencies of the general cause required that they should be withdrawn from the country they were raised to defend, to aid Washington in resisting the alarming advances of the enemy.

The consequences which followed it required but little sagacity to foresee. Stimulated to revenge by the aid sent from Wyoming to Washington; incited by the consequent weakness of the settlements to attack them; and urged by policy to compel the withdrawal from the commander-in-chief of part of his men, by forc ing them home to defend their own firesides-the enemy was not long in planning their attack.

The British having gained possession of Philadelphia, inevitable necessity did not allow his excellency to dispense with the services of the Westmoreland companies, but the reiterated rumours of preparations to attack Wyoming, again engaged the attention of Congress. They saw, felt, and acknowledged its exposed situation; but while the heart was assailed, and the whole force of the country was concentrated for its protection, little aid but encouraging words, could be afforded to the threatened extremities. In March, 1778, about ninety days before the invasion, Congress resolved "That one full company of foot be raised in the town of Westmoreland on the east branch of the Susquehanna for the defence of said town and the settlements on the frontiers, and in the neighbourhood thereof, against the Indians and other enemies of the state; the said companies to be enlisted for one year from the time of their enlistment, unless sooner discharged by Congress." That "the company find their own arms, accoutrements, clothes and blankets," and provision was made that these should be paid for.

Thus a third company was raised in this infant and small settlement, having to clothe and arm themselves, if they could, and an exhausted treasury promised to repay the charge. This company was in the battle, and almost literally annihilated.

On the first of July, 1778, Col. John Butler, of the British army, with 400 men regulars and tories, and with 500 Indian warriors, entered the valley of Wyoming. Rumours of the meditated eruption had preceded them, and pressing solicitations had been sent to head-quarters. A number of the officers of the two companies had returned on furlough. The militia were mustered. Old men and boys took their muskets. Retirement or flight was impossible. There seemed no security but in victory. Unequal as was the conflict, and hopeless in the eye of prudence; the young athletic men fit to bear arms, and raised for their special defence, being absent with the main army; yet the inhabitants, looking to their dependent wives and little ones, took counsel of their courage, and resolved to give the enemy battle. On the third of July, about 400 men under the command of Col. ZebuJon Butler, marched out to meet the British and their savage allies; being more than double their numbers. On the right wing the conflict was sharply contested for some time, and the enemy gave way. On the left, out flanked by the savages, the men fought, and fell rapidly, until an order was given to fall back and present a longer front to the enemy; a manœuvre which could not be executed under the destructive fire of the Indian rifles. Confusion, ensued-a disastrous retreat followed, and a most cruel massacre consummated the bloody tragedy. We cannot dwell on the battle and the consequent horrors. It would be useless if we could. Brother fell by the side of brother; father and son perished on the same field. More than half our little army were slain; many of the rest were wounded: and the

whole settlement-very aged men and helpless children, widows and orphanswere now exposed, without protection, to the tomahawk and scalping knife. In utter confusion and distress they all fled-some in boats down the river, but most on foot through the wilderness. Your imaginations must conceive, for words cannot paint, the unequaled misery of their situation. In the simplicity of truth we will state two instances, those of the chairman and secretary of this meeting.

Perrin and Jeremiah Ross, brothers of the chairman, were in the battle and both fell. Mr. Ross, then a lad, his father being dead, was the only male of the family remaining. His mother, six sisters, the widow of his brother Perrin and her five orphan children fled-such was the terror and confusion-not together, but in three separate parties: two down the river to Harrisburg, and thence to Orange County, New York-two to Nescopeck and thence to Fort Allen-the rest by a more easterly route.

The father of Mr. Dana had then recently returned from Hartford, where he had been a member of the Assembly of Connecticut from the town of Westmoreland. He was in the battle; and Mr. Whiting, a young man who had a few months before married his daughter, was also in the battle. Both were slain. Anderson Dana, our secretary, then a lad of 13, his widowed mother and widowed sister, (the latter in delicate health,) with thirteen others, of whom he was the eldest male, having one pack horse to carry the few things they could hastily gather, set out through the wilderness on foot to join their friends 300 miles distant, in Ashford, Connecticut, from whence they originally came. Death and desolation were behind them; before them hunger, and sorrow, and despair. They were twenty days on their journey, living chiefly on charity. Several women of different parties of fugitives, gave birth to children on their way, who were indeed

"Children of misery baptized in tears."

In the valley the demon of destruction completed his work. Scarcely an inhabitant remained. Every house was rifled and burnt. The sweep was universaleverything was destroyed. The cattle driven away and the harvests laid waste. War and woe never looked upon a scene of such utter sorrow and desolation!

GENTLEMEN-Is it not plain that these disasters and sufferings befel the inhabitants from their exertions in the cause of their country? Is it not manifest that the withdrawing the two companies raised for the defence of the people, occasioned the attack, massacre and ruin that followed? And is it not right just now when the public treasury is full, and all the other equitable revolutionary claims have been recognized by Congress, that something should be granted to the Wyoming sufferers, and their heirs! Why should all others receive bounty or justice, and we tenfold sufferers receive nothing? In honour, to the dead, as well as justice to the living, we ask it at your hands. Noble Virginia granted Col. George Rogers Clarke and his regiment, who marched with him to Kaskaskias and St. Vincent, one hundred and fifty thousand acres of land on the Ohio. Should not Wyoming receive as much. The portion of New London must have exceeded one hundred and fifty thousand. Ought not Wyoming to receive as much?

Having no other resting place the survivors were obliged to return, desolate and melancholy as were their homes. The battle field was still strewed with the unburied slain, and their remains, as soon as they could be approached that sultry season, were gathered and buried with affectionate and pious care.

The blood and tears shed at Wyoming were not shed in vain. Perhaps few incidents during the war, produced stronger sensations of horror and pity throughout Europe, than the Wyoming massacre. Perhaps few circumstances had so powerful a tendency to discredit, in public estimation, the arms and efforts of the enemy; or had a stronger influence in arousing the people of the whole civilized world in behalf of the American cause.

After the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, and the war might be regarded as ended, Congress issued a proclamation for a general thanksgiving, calling on all classes to acknowledge the goodness of Almighty God in affording aid to our arms—“ in confounding the councils of our enemies, and suffering them to pursue such measures as have contributed to frustrate their own desires and expectations; above all in making their extreme cruelty to the inhabitants of these states, when in their

power; and their savage devastations of property, the very means of cementing our union, and adding vigour to every effort in opposition to them."

Thus, honourable representatives of the states and people, have we stated our case: and we respectfully pray that Congress would appropriate a tract of land equal to that granted by the state of Virginia to Col. George Rogers Clarke's regiment; or in proportion to that granted by Connecticut to New London and her other towns-to be divided by commissioners to be appointed by the President of the United States-to the old Wyoming sufferers, their widows, heirs, and legal representatives.

Signed by order and in behalf of the meeting.

ANDERSON DANA, Secretary.

WM. ROSS, Chairman.

COL. HUBLEY'S JOURNAL. Regarding General Sullivan's expedition to avenge Wyoming, and the remaining Wyoming military force having accompanied him, I deemed it proper to preserve a full account of it. To this end I had obtained a journal of an officer in Maxwell's Jersey Brigade, kept during the march; and another by an officer in Poor's New Hampshire Brigade, intending to insert one or the other in the Appendix. But both having been some years ago published in the newspapers, and the kindness of my friend Mr. JORDAN having placed in my possession the journal of Col. ADAM HUBLEY, of Lancaster county, which, besides coming from a superior officer, and a Pennsylvanian, it is believed will have all the freshness of novelty, I give it the preference. The reader will be struck with the harsh, I had like to have said, unsoldier-like reflection upon the public authorities in Gen. Sullivan's address to his army of August 30th. Nor will he be less surprised at the soldiers being called upon to vote whether they should be put on half allowance of flour. In a country replete to profusion with corn, beans, melons, potatoes and peaches, which the army was destroying, the idea of famine, or even want, seems preposterous. On Saturday the 28th, two days previous to that address, Col Hubley says— "The corn already destroyed by our army is not less than 5000 bushels, upon a moderate calculation, and the quantity yet on the ground, in this neighbourhood, is at least the same."*

Besides the journal of Col. Hubley, and those of the Jersey and New Hampshire officers, I have obtained the minutes of a Mr. Newman, who was with Gen. Clinton in his march from the Mohawk to Lake Otsego, and thence to his junction with Sullivan at Tioga point. Throwing a cloudy light on that portion of the army, and containing several curious incidents, I think too valuable to be lost, and regret that our limits do not admit of its publication here.

We have then four journals relating to Sullivan's expedition. Is not the inference fair that it was a common practice in the continental army to keep such journals? Are there not in existence very many such diaries in the hands of descendants of Revolutionary soldiers? This remark is made with the hope that they may be sought out and published, as every incident of the war for independence, which has produced Revolutions so extraordinary throughout the whole civilized world, should be regarded worthy of the most careful preservation.

*"It was estimated 160,000 bushels of corn were destroyed during the expedition." -Thatcher.

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