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§ 17. Those who maintained the necessity of the Mosaic law and ceremonies in order to eternal salvation, had not proceeded so far in this century as to have no communion with ́ such as thought differently. They were, therefore, accounted brethren, though weaker ones. But after the second destruction of Jerusalem in the reign of Adrian, when they withdrew from other Christians and set up separate congregations, they were regarded as sectarians, who had deviated from the true doctrines of Christ. Hence arose the names, Nazarenes9 and Ebionites; by which those Christians, who erred from exces

wrote his Gospel "to root out the erroneous doctrine, which had been spread by Cerinthus, and some time before by the Nicolaitans." (Burton's Lectures on the Ecclesiastical History of the First Century, 364, 373.) " According to Irenæus, Cerinthus taught that the world was created by a power quite subordinate to the highest God, which did not even so much as know this God, who was elevated above every thing. According to Epiphanius, he held that the world was created by angels." (Rose's Neander, ii. 51.) Neander subsequently expresses a doubt whether Cerinthus thought the creating angels really ignorant of the Supreme God, but rather inclines to a belief that he considered their acquaintance with the paramount Deity, and his abode, imperfect; fuller information upon such subjects waiting for a revelation through the divine Logos, or Word. At the head of the creating angels was placed one who promulged the Mosaic law, which Cerinthus represented as greatly superior to any anterior religious system, but immeasurably below the Messiah's revelation. He considered Jesus chosen to make this on account of his extraordinary qualities, intellectual, moral, and religious. But he himself had no suspicion of his destination to this illustrious office, until he was baptized by John, when the Supreme Logos, or Spirit of God, came down upon him from heaven, in the likeness of a dove, and sank into his heart. He was thus connected with the Supreme God, and hence elevated in rank, power, and wisdom above this whole world, and the angels who preside over it. He now had such a perfect knowledge of the Supreme God, and of heavenly things, that the angels might learn of him, and it was by virtue of the Spirit united

with him, that he wrought miracles. While this union continued, suffering was impossible; but the Spirit flew up again to the Father, and the man Jesus was violently cut off. Ed.]

[This name the Jews first gave, by way of reproach, to the disciples of Christ, because he was a citizen of Nazareth. Acts xxiv. 5. Afterwards the name, was applied, especially to a Christian sect, which endeavoured to unite the Mosaic law with the religion of Christ. Of these Nazarenes, Mosheim treats largely, Institutt. hist. Christ. major. p. 465, and Comment. de Rebus Christ, ante Const. M. p. 328, as also C. W. F. Walsh, Entw. d. Gesch. d. Ketzereyen, vol. i. p. 101. &c. Schl. "Epiphanius, who lived in the fourth century, is the earliest writer that speaks of the Nazarenes as heretics, and it is plain from his account, that they were not many in number." Burton's Lectures on the Ecclesiastical History of the First Century, 350. Ed.]

1

[The origin of this name is still a subject of controversy. Some derive it from some founder of this sect, who was called Ebion. Others think the name Ebionites to be equivalent to the Hebrew word ' poor people. But they are not agreed, why this name was given to the sect. Others, again, regard the whole subject as an historical problem, that can never be solved with absolute certainty. It is treated of largely by C. W. F. Walch, Entwurf der Gesch. d. Ketzereyen, vol. i. p. 110, and by Mosheim, Institutt, historiæ Christ. major. p. 447; and in his Diss. qua ostenditur, certo hodie et explorate constitui non posse, utrum Ebion quidam novæ Sectæ auctor extiterit olim inter Christianos, necne? in his Dissertt. ad Hist. Eccles. pertinent. vol. i. p. 547, &c. See also Chr.

sive attachment to the Mosaic law, were distinguished from their brethren generally, whose opinion was, that the system established by Moses had been abrogated by Christ. These Nazarenes or Ebionites, however, though commonly set down among the sects of the apostolic age, really belong to the second century, in which they first attracted notice.

Alb. Doederlein, Commentar. de Ebionais e numero hostium Christi eximendis, Büzow, 1770, 8vo. Schl."It has been disputed whether there ever was a person called Ebion; but it is agreed on all hands that Ebion was a Jewish word, which signified poor. It is impossible not to connect the Ebionites in many respects with the Jews; but, at the same time, they held opinions from which an orthodox Jew would have started with horror. It is sufficient to mention, that they treated

the writings of the prophets with contempt, and denied their inspiration. So also, while we find that the name of Jesus held a conspicuous place in their creed, we find them also believing him to be born of human parents, and maintaining that Christ was an emanation from God, which descended upon Jesus at his baptism. All these peculiarities are explained, when it is stated that the Ebionites were a branch of the Gnostics." Burton's Lectures upon the Ecclesiastical History of the First Century, 351. Ed.]

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CENTURY SECOND.

PART I.

THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

CHAPTER I.

THE PROSPEROUS EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.

§ 1. Character of the Roman emperors.-§ 2. Propagation of Christianity in the Roman empire. -§ 3. Countries enlightened by Christianity.-§ 4. Conversion of the Germans.—§ 5. The Gauls converted.—§ 6. Translations of the N. T.—§ 7. Apologies and other writings of Christians.—§ 8. Miracles and extraordinary gifts. § 9. Miracle of the thundering legion.—§ 10. It is uncertain.-§ 11. Sedition and slaughter of the Jews.-§ 12. Philosophers become Christians.

§ 1. Most of those who governed Rome in this age were of the milder cast. Trajan', though too eager for glory, and not always sufficiently considerate and provident, was a kind and clement prince. Adrian2 was rather harsher, yet still not absolutely bad or unjust, but, in fact, a compound of virtues and vices. Than the Antonines3 nothing could be better and more benign. Even Severus, who afterwards assumed another character, was at first oppressive to no one, and to the Christians mild and equitable.

§ 2. Through this lenity of the emperors, Christians living in the Roman empire suffered far less than they would have

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done if they had been under severer lords. The laws enacted against them were indeed sufficiently hard; and the magistrates, excited by the priests and the populace, often made considerable havoc among them, and went frequently much beyond what the laws required. Yet for these evils some relief was commonly attainable. Trajan would not have the Christians to be sought after; and ordered no account to be taken of Antoninus Pius even anonymous accusations against them.5 decreed, that their accusers should be punished." Some in one way, and others in another, protected them against the evil designs of the populace and the priests. Hence the Christian community increased, and became vastly numerous in this century. Of this fact we have the clearest testimony of the

5 See Pliny's Epistles, lib. x. ep. 98. [This is a short epistle from the emperor in answer to a long one, which stands immediately before it, and which seeks the imperial direction in dealing with proceedings against Christians. Among the engines which assailed them were anonymous accusations affecting many individuals. Pliny says, propositus est libellus sine auctore, multorum nomina continens. When considerable numbers were apprehended upon such information, many of them seem immediately to have disclaimed Christianity, and to have paid, in confirmation, divine honours to the gods. Trajan thus disposes of the anonymous accusers: sine auctore vero propositi libelli nullo crimine locum habere debent. It

is evident also that he wished them to be unmolested, as he said, conquirendi non sunt, but he did not venture to promise them security. If regularly convicted, they were to pay the legal penalty. Si deferentur et arguantur, puniendi sunt. But then he would not allow any to be punished who took part in heathen rites, when called in question, however suspicious their former conduct might have been. Qui negaverit se Christianum esse, idque re ipsa manifestum fecerit, id est, supplicando dis nostris, quamvis suspectus in præteritum fuerit, veniam ex panitentia impetret. This, though a strong temptation to sinful compliances for a temporary purpose, was an important protection against malicious feelings and sinister designs. Trajan's letter does not, however, manifest religious feeling of any kind. Even in forbidding governors to act upon anonymous information, it goes no further than stamping such pro

Pessimi

"Trajan

ceedings as highly dangerous, and unworthy of an enlightened age. exempli, nec nostri seculi est. writes like an honourable soldier, not like a philosopher or a lawgiver studying the good of mankind. His approbation of Pliny's general conduct was harsh and severe. His saying that Christians were not to be searched for, shows an opinion of their innocence, and also some fear of them; his adding, that they were to be punished, if brought before him, is scarcely just. Tertullian is eloquent upon this inconsistency.— Pliny had the government of the province of Bithynia, or Pontus and Bithynia; but he was not called proconsul, only proprætor with proconsular power; his letter to Trajan was written from his province, and might be dated in the year 106 or 107." Hey's Lectures, i. 202. Ed.]

Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. 13. [where the law of Antoninus is given at length from the Apology of Melito. Some indeed have supposed that it was Marcus Antoninus, and not Antoninus Pius, who issued this decree. (So Valesius in loc.) But this is contrary to the express testimony of Eusebius, and to the contents of the edict itself. For we know from history, that the earthquakes mentioned in the edict happened under Pius. See Capitolinus, Life of Antoninus Pius, cap. 3. Besides, if Marcus himself had published this edict, Melito could have had no occasion, by this Apology, to implore the grace of the emperor in favour of the Christians. See Mosheim, de Rebus Christ. ante Constant. M. p. 240. Schl.]

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