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of these suppositions has, indeed, been overthrown, and nothing, then, is left, but to suppose, that Constantine saw in a dream, while asleep, the appearance of a cross, with the inscription, By this conquer. Nor is this opinion unsupported by competent authorities of good credit.2

§ 10. The happiness anticipated by the Christians from the edicts of Constantine and Licinius, was a little afterwards inter

flag, of purple cloth embroidered and covered with precious stones. Now, if this narrative is all true, and if two connected miracles were actually wrought, as here stated, how happens it, that no writer of that age, except Eusebius, says one word about the luminous cross in the heavens? How came it, that Eusebius himself said nothing about it in his Eccles. History, which was written twelve years after the event, and about the same length of time before his Life of Constantine? Why does he rely solely on the testimony of the emperor, and not even intimate that he ever heard of it from others; whereas, if true, many thousands must have been eye-witnesses of the fact? What mean his suggestions, that some may question the truth of the story; and his caution not to state any thing as a matter of public notoriety, but to confine himself simply to the emperor's private representation to himself?-Again, if the miracle of the luminous cross was a reality, has not God himself sanctioned the use of the cross, as the appointed symbol of our religion? so that there is no superstition in the use of it; but the Catholics are correct, and the Protestants in an error, on this subject.-If God intended to enlighten Constantine's dark mind, and show him the truth of Christianity, would he probably use for the purpose the enigma of the luminous cross, in preference to his inspired word, or a direct and special revelation? Was there no tendency to encourage a superstitious veneration for the sign of the cross, in such a miracle? And can it be believed, that Jesus Christ actually appeared to the emperor, in a vision, directing him to make an artificial cross, and to rely upon that, as his defence in the day of battle?-But how came the whole story of the luminous cross to be unknown to the Christian world, for more than twenty-five years, and then to transpire only through a

private conversation between Eusebius and Constantine ?-Is it not supposable, that Eusebius may have misunderstood the account the emperor gave him, of a singular halo about the sun, which he saw, and of an affecting dream which he had the night after, and which induced him to make the Labarum, and use it as his standard?-Such are the arguments against this hypothesis. Tr.]

[Lactantius mentions only the dream; and the same is true of Sozomen, lib. i. c. 3; and Rufinus, in his translation of the Eccles. History of Eusebius; and likewise, of the author of the Chronicon Orientale, p. 57. Indeed the appeal of Eusebius to the solemn attestation of the emperor, (de Vita Constantini, 1. i. c. 28,) and the statement of Gelasius Cyzicenus, (Acta Concili Nicani, lib. i. c. 4, in Harduin's Concilia, tom. i. p. 351,) that the whole story was accounted fabulous by the pagans, confirm the supposition, that it was a mere dream. For the appeal of Eusebius would have been unnecessary, and the denial of its reality by the pagans would have been impossible, if the whole army of Constantine had been eye-witnesses of the event. Schl.]

2 The writers who treat of Constantine the Great, are carefully enumerated by Joh. Alb. Fabricius, Lux salutaris, Evangelii toti orbi exoriens, c. 12, p. 260, &c. [The latest and by far the best (says Heeren, Ancient Hist. p. 475, ed. Bancroft, 1828,) is, Leben Constantin des Grossen, von J. C. F. Manso, Bresl 1817.] Fabricius moreover (ibid. c. 13, p. 273, &c.) describes the laws of Constantine, relating to religious matters, under four heads. The same laws are treated of by Jac. Godfrey, Adnot, ad Codicem Theodosianum; and in a particular treatise, by Francis Baldwin, in his Constantinus Magn. seu de Legibus Constantini Ecclesiast. et Civilibus, lib. ii. ed. 2nd, by B. Gundling, Halle, 1727, 8vo.

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rupted by Licinius, who waged war against his kinsman Constantine. Being vanquished in the year 314, he was quiet for about nine years. But in the year 324, this restless man again attacked Constantine, being urged on both by his own inclination and by the instigation of the pagan priests. That he might secure to himself a victory, he attached the pagans to his cause, by severely oppressing the Christians, and cruelly putting not a few of their bishops to death. But his plans failed once more. For, after several unsuccessful battles, he was obliged to throw himself upon the mercy of the victor, who, nevertheless, ordered him to be strangled, in the year 325. After his victory over Licinius, Constantine reigned sole emperor till his death; and by policy, enactments, regulations, and munificence, endeavoured as much as possible to obliterate gradually the ancient superstitions, and to establish Christian worship throughout the Roman empire.1 He had, undoubtedly, learned from the wars and the machinations of Licinius, that neither himself nor the Roman empire could remain secure while the ancient superstition continued prevalent; and therefore, from this time onward, he openly opposed the pagan

3 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. 1. x. c. 8, and de Vita Constantini, 1. i. c. 49. Even Julian, than whom no one was more prejudiced against Constantine, could not but pronounce Licinius an infamous tyrant, who was sunk in vices and crimes. See Julian's Casares, p. 222. ed. Spanheim. I would here observe, what appears to have been overlooked hitherto, that Aurelius Victor mentions this persecution of Licinius, in his book de Casaribus, c. 41, p. 435, ed. Arntzenii, where he says: Licinio ne insontium quidem ac nobilium philosophorum servili more cruciatus adhibiti modum fecere. The Philosophers, whom Licinius is here said to have tortured, were, doubtless, Christians; whom many, from their slight acquaintance with our religion, have mistaken for a sect of philosophers. The commentators on Aurelius have left this passage untouched; which is apt to be the case with those who are intent only on the enlargement of grammatical knowedge derived from ancient writers.

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[Constantine doubtless committed errors which, in their consequences, were injurious to the cause of Christianity. He gave to the clergy the

former privileges of the pagan priests, and allowed legacies to be left to the

churches, which were every where

erected and enlarged. He was gratified with seeing the bishops assume great state; for he thought, the more respect the bishops commanded, the more inclined the pagans would be to embrace Christianity: and thus he introduced the love of pomp and display among the clergy. Schl.-It will be seen in section 12, that Julian made war upon Christianity, by abrogating its privileges, and closing its schools for the refinement of mankind. This is no mean testimony to the soundness of Constantine's liberality. So, as far as Christian ministers, indeed, are personally concerned, there is no justice in their exclusion from such circumstances of comfort and respectability as are open to their kinsmen and compatriots generally. Nor will their ministry carry the weight which the best interests of the world at large require, unless it is allowed to take its due place among liberal professions; which it never can, while hopelessly confined among poverty-stricken employments. Ed.]

deities and their worship, as prejudicial to the interests of the

state.

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§ 11. After the death of Constantine, which happened in the year 337, his three surviving sons, Constantine II., Constantius, and Constans, assumed the empire, and were all saluted Augusti and emperors by the Roman senate. There were still living two brothers of Constantine the Great, namely, Constantius Dalmatius, and Julius Constans, and they had several sons. But nearly all these were slain by the soldiers at the command of Constantine's sons, who feared lest their thirst for power might lead them to make insurrections and disturb the commonwealth. Only Gallus and Julian, sons of Julius Constans, with some difficulty escaped the massacre; and the latter of these afterwards became emperor. Constantine II. held Britain, Gaul, and Spain; but lost his life a. D. 340, in a war with his brother Constantius. Constans at first governed only Illyricum, Italy, and Africa; but after the fall of his brother Constantine II. he annexed his provinces to his empire, and thus became emperor of all the West, until he lost his life A. D. 350, in the war with Magnentius, a usurper. After the death of Constans, Magnentius being subdued, the third brother, Constantius, who had before governed Asia, Syria, and Egypt, in the year 353 became sole emperor, and governed the whole empire till the year 361, when he died. No one of these brothers possessed the disposition or the discernment of their father; yet they all pursued their father's purpose of abolishing the ancient superstitions of the Romans, and other pagans, and of propagating the Christian religion throughout the Roman empire. The thing itself was commendable and excellent; but in the means employed there was much to censure.7

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["It is more probable, that the principal design of this massacre was to recover the provinces of Thrace, Macedon, and Achaia, which, in the divisions of the empire, Constantine the Great had given to young Dalmatius, son of his brother of the same name; and Pontus and Cappadocia, which he had granted to Annibalianus, the brother of young Dalmatius. Be that as it will, Dr. Mosheim has attributed this massacre equally to the three sons of Constantine; whereas almost all authors agree, that neither young Constantine, nor Constans, had any hand in it at all." Macl.]

6 [Because they were despised: Gallus, being sickly, it was supposed would not live long; and Julian, being but eight years old, created no fear. Some years after, they were sent to a remote place in Cappadocia, where they were instructed in languages, the sciences, and gymnastics, being in a sense kept prisoners; and were at last designed for the clerical office, having been made lectors or readers. Ammianus Marcell. 1. xxii. c. 9. Schl.]

[Coercive measures were adopted, which only made nominal Christians. A law was enacted, in the year 342, that all the heathen temples should be shut

§ 12. The cause of Christianity which had been thus flourishing and prosperous, received immense injury, and seemed on the brink of ruin, when Julian, the son of Julius Constans, brother of Constantine the Great, now the only surviving branch of the Constantinian family, after a successful campaign in Gaul, A. D. 360, was hailed emperor by his soldiers, and on the death of Constantius, A. D. 361, obtained possession of the whole empire. This credulous and vain-glorious prince was, indeed, educated in the Christian religion, but he spurned it; partly from hatred of the Constantinian family, which had slain his father, brother, and others of his race; partly from the cunning of the Platonic philosophers, who imposed upon him with fictitious miracles and prophecies. He took up in its place the principles of his ancestors, and strove to reinstate the rites of paganism in all their former splendour. Julian seemed to abhor all violence, and to leave his people full discretion in religion and its outward forms; but he really cut, by art and policy, the sinews of the Christian cause. He abrogated privileges granted as well to that religion itself, as to its principal officers, closed its schools of philosophy and liberal arts, not only tolerated all its opponents, but also inspirited and favoured them in writing books against the Christians, and in other things. He had more objects in contemplation, and would, doubtless, have done immense harm to Christianity, if he had returned victorious from the Persian war, which he undertook directly after he came to the throne. But in this war, which was both undertaken and carried on with little discretion, he fell by a wound received in battle, A. D. 363, when just entered on the thirty-second year of his age, and after reigning sole emperor only twenty months from the death of Constantius."

up, and that no person should be allowed to go near them. All sacrifices, and all consultations of the oracles and soothsayers, were prohibited, on pain of death and confiscation of property: and the provincial magistrates were threatened with the same penalties, if they were dilatory in punishing transgressors of the law. This was to compel the conscience, and not to convince it. The history of these emperors may be found in the Universal History, and in Le Beau's History of the Eastern Empire. Schl.]

8 [For Gallus, who had had been created Cæsar, was previously murdered by order of Constantius, because of his cruelty, and being charged with aspiring after the supreme power. Ammian. Marcell. 1. xiv. c. 11. Schl.]

See, besides Tillemont, [the Universal History; Le Beau, Histoire du bas Empire, tom. iii. liv. xii-xiv.] and other common writers, the accurately written work of Bletterie, Vie de Julien, Paris, 1734, and Amsterd. 1735, 8vo; the Life and Character of Julian the Apostate, illustrated in VII. Disserta

§ 13. Those who rank Julian among the greatest heroes of any age, nay, place him first among all who ever filled a throne, which now many do, they too persons learned and acute', are either hindered by their prepossessions from seeing

tions, by Des Vouex, Dublin, 1746, 8vo; Ez. Spanheim, Preface and Notes to the Works of Julian, Lips. 1696, fol.; and Joh. Alb. Fabricius, Lux salutaris Evangelii toti orbi exoriens, cap. xiv. p. 294, &c. [Add Aug. Neander, über Kayser Julianus und sein Zeitalter, Hanb. 1812, 8vo. Tr.]

Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, liv. xxiv. c. 10, says: Il n'y a point eu après lui de prince plus digne de gouverner des hommes. [To form a correct judgment of Julian, it is necessary cursorily to survey the history of his life. He was born A. D. 331; and lost his mother Basilina, the same year; and his father, Julius Constantius, a few years after. Mardonius, a eunuch, and Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, were his first instructors. When Gallus was made a Cæsar, Julian obtained permission to come to Constantinople, where he attended the public schools; then he went to Bithynia, every where attaching himself to the most noted teachers; and read and imitated the orations of Libanius, a pagan sophist, whom he was strictly forbidden to hear. At Pergamus he became acquainted with desius, an aged Platonic philosopher, and heard his scholars, Eusebius and Chrysanthes, as also Maximus, of Ephesus, who initiated them in theurgia, brought him to apostatize from Christianity, and presaged his elevation to the throne. This change in his religion he was obliged to conceal from Constantius and Gallus. Julian, therefore, devoted himself to a monastic life, assumed the tonsure, and became a public leader in the church at Nicomedia. In the year 354, after the death of Gallus, he was deprived of his liberty, and carried to Milan. After being in custody there seven months, he obtained, by the intercession of the empress Eusebia, a release, and liberty to travel into Greece, where he applied himself, at Athens, to the sciences and to eloquence, and became acquainted with Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus. In the year 355, he was proclaimed Cæsar, and had Gaul, Spain, and Britain entrusted to him. But Constantius greatly limited his power, and nominated not only the military commanders there,

but also the officers of Julian's court who were to keep strict watch over him. To this his elevation Eusebia contributed much, she being anxious about the succession to the throne, on account of her continued barrenness : and the rebellion of Sylvanus, which took place in the beginning of this year, as also the continual incursions of the bordering nations, which required a general in Gaul, favoured the measure. Julian performed some successful campaigns in Gaul, which procured him the affections not only of the soldiery, but likewise of all the Gallic subjects. This awakened the jealousy of Constantius, who, under pretext of the Persian war, recalled a great part of the troops from Gaul. In the spring of 360, the soldiers proclaimed Julian Augustus, and compelled him to assume that dignity. A reconciliation was attempted in vain. Constantius insisted upon it, that Julian should resign. Julian prosecuted the German war successfully, and strengthened and fortified the frontiers; and after vanquishing the Germans, whom Constantius had excited against him, and subduing Illyria and Italy, he marched unencumbered against Constantius, who came forward to meet him, but was taken sick on the way, and died in Cilicia. Julian now took quiet possession of the whole Roman empire; caused Constantius to be honourably buried; but called his principal officers to account, before a special court, as the authors of numerous acts of violence. He likewise attempted great reforms in the court, in which prodigality and pomp had risen to a great height. He also dismissed many useless officers; and filled his court with philosophers and soothsayers, to whom he showed particular respect. During the Illyrian campaign, in the year 361, he publicly sacrificed to the gods; and after the death of Constantius, he let it be distinctly known, that it was his purpose to re-instate idolatrous worship. But, as he was aware of the ill consequences which formerly resulted from direct persecution, and wished to avoid the repetition of them, and coveted the reputation of being

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