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Fund was less than thirty-eight hundred dollars, and consisted entirely of voluntary subscriptions from members of the Reform party; and I say further, I have no doubt whatever that this was the only General Election Fund of the Reform party for the Province of Ontario at the said General Election of 1872; as I never heard of the existence of any other such fund, and had any such existed I am sure I must have known it.

"27. I say that the said fund was raised for the purpose of promoting the success of the Reform party in various constituencies at said election, by defraying the travelling expenses of public speakers, by printing and circulating political documents, by assisting to pay the legal and necessary expenses of candidates unable to bear the lawful expenses of election contests, and by aiding in similar necessary and lawful expenditures.

"28. I say that no part of the said fund was asked or contributed for corrupt or any other illegal or immoral purpose; that those who apportioned it paid out no part thereof for corrupt or any other illegal or immoral purpose; and that, so far as I know and believe, no portion of the money was applied to any such purpose by those to whom it was apportioned.

"29. I say that the letter written by me on 15th August, 1872, to the Hon. John Simpson, requesting him to subscribe to the said General Election Fund, and which was commented upon by Mr. Justice Wilson in bis judgment of 29th June, 1876, was one out of either three or

four similar letters written by me to personal

and political friends; that no other such letter, and no other letter of any description, was written by me requesting subscriptions to the said General Election Fund of 1872, or to any other political purpose at that election; that I have no knowledge of any letters having been written by anybody requesting subscriptions to the said fund, except the said three or four which were written by me, and 1 do not believe that any were written.

"30. I say that the Hon. John Simpson did not contribute anything to the said General Election Fund in response to my letter, or in any other way, and that the entire amount sent or received in response to the said three or four letters written by this deponent was either $122 or $123. And I say further that the largest amount I hoped to receive from Mr. Simpson in response to my letter was $100.

"31. I say that my said letter to the Hon. John Simpson was not written for corrupt purposes-was not written to interfere with the freedom of elections--and was not an invitation to anybody to commit the offence of bribery and corruption at the polls. I say that it was, on the contrary, simply an application for a reasonable subscription from a member of the Reform party towards maintaining the efficiency of his political party, and thereby promoting the cause of good government.

"32. I say that the urgent tone of my said letter to Mr. Simpson arose from the fact that in making preliminary arrangements in regard to a Liberal candidate to represent the East Riding of the City of Toronto, in which we anticipated (and rightly anticipated, as the event proved) a very hot contest, it became necessary to give a promise that the sum of $500 would be contributed from the said General Election Fund to the actually necessary and lawful expenses of the Liberal candidate

in that Riding; that this promise was given by me on behalf of myself and others; that when the time came for its fulfilment the General Election Fund had been exhausted, and a special effort had to be made to provide the said sum of $500 or break faith. I say that the said amount not having been forthcoming, I paid it from my own funds in order to fulfi my promise, the balance between the said sum of $122 or $123 received as aforesaid being a personal contribution by me to the said fund; And I further say that the said sum of $500 was the only apportionment of so large an amount made to any constituency from the said General Election Fund; that the next highest sum given was either $250 or $300, and that the balance of the $3,700 composing the fund was apportioneu in sums varying from $20 to $200.

"33. I say that the 'grand stand to be made on Saturday' at the East Toronto election spoken of in my said letter to Mr. Simpson, referred to the thorough organization of the Ward Committees, and the systematic arrangements for bringing up promptly and fully the voters for the Liberal candidate, and the vigilant exertions at the polls to detect and prevent the admission of fraudulent votes. The 'big push' spoken of in the said letter had the same meaning.'

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I believe I need not apologise to the House for having taken up their time, for I think there is not more than one hon. member who would desire to pievent an absent man from having justice done him.

MR. MCCALLUM moved the adjournment of the debate.

Motion agreed to and Debate adjourned. House adjourned at Twenty minutes to Twelve o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, 14th Feb., 1878.

The Speaker took the Chair at Three o'clock.

PRAYERS.

ADDRESS IN ANSWER TO HIS EXCELLENCY'S SPEECH.

The House resumed the consideration of His Excellency's Speech at the opening of the Session.

MR. MCCALLUM said that in the few remarks which he should make in reply to the Address moved in reply to His Excellency's Speech from the Throne, he would endeavour to confine himself as far as possible to a fair criticism of the Government's policy or

want of policy. Previous to doing so,; He observed in the speeches delivered however, he would comment briefly by the hon. gentlemen opposite-and, on statements which had fallen the day for instance, in the speech of the hon. previous from the lips of the hon. member for North Norfolk (Mr. member for Lincoln (Mr. Norris). Charlton)—the declaration of the same That hon. gentleman said he did not old cries: economy and purity. He want any assistance from the Govern- had endeavoured in the House to show ment. He knew that the hon. member to the people of the country, as the rewas a very popular and very strong presentative of Monck, that these hon. man in his constituency; but, neverthe- gentlemen had no claim to the practice less, he had had assistance from the of economy. He would examine in Government. It could not be other- this relation the departmental expenses wise, and he would not say that it of last year, and he contended that if was illegitimate. In that part of the the Government could not control this country a large amount of money was expenditure, made immediately in their expended on public works by the Gov- departments, it could not be expected ernment of the day, and a large numb- that this could be done by them elseer of men were employed by the Gov- where. He would read over a few ernment; and, consequently, it was no items, and make a comparison between. matter for wonder that the county of such expenditure for 1873 Lincoln, through the Government, and 1876, the former being the should return him to the House. The last year when Sir John A. Macdonhon. gentleman said he did not want ald's Government was in power. any Government assistance; but the The expenditure for the Governor Gentruth was, they could not aid the hon. eral's Secretary's office in 1873 amountgentleman, in fact the support of the ed to $8,240; in 1876 these amounted Government would be almost sufficient to $9,325, showing an increase of to defeat the hon. gentleman in that $1,085. The salaries paid in the Privy constituency—and why? this was be- Council office in 1873 amounted to cause the people of Lincoln were not $8,909, and in 1876 they were $11,250; in accord with the Administration increase $2,341. In this manner he respecting their trade policy. The hon. could proceed to the end of the chapmember was very strong and popular ter; that same increase was visible in in his county, but the Government was every department. The expenditure as the three elections that for the Department of Justice, which had taken place in that constituency had been for a long time presided over proved. He claimed, and he would by the hon. member for South Bruce, endeavour to prove to the House and was in 1873, $7,967; in 1876 it was the people of the country, that the $12,700 increase--$4,735. He was aware Government had obtained the confi- that the late Minister of Justice had dence of the people under false pre- stated at Teeswater that he (Mr. tences. Let them look for a moment Blake) had saved money to the counat what had formerly been the party try and retrenched the expenditure for cries of the hon. gentlemen opposite. his Department. He (Mr. McCallum) What were they? They were these hoped that this was the case. It was pure party Government, no coalition, about time that such retrenchment economy in all public expenditure, should be made; and if this had taken control by Parliament over the ex- place, it must have been due to the penditure of the people's money, inde- criticism which had been passed in pendence of Parliament, and the letting this relation on the policy of the Govof contracts for public works to the ernment by members of the Opposition. lowest tender without favouritism. It was announced that a saving in He would not deal with all these ques- expenditure for cab hire had been tions; but he would discuss some of effected, and the country ought to them. The issues of the day were now rejoice thereat. But it might be that pretty well before the country, and they some of the work which had been had been so placed before the people formerly done in this Department had during last summer by hon. gentlemen been transferred over to some other sitting on both sides of the House. one, necessitating the same amount of

not so,

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expenditure. The expenses connected | He never desired to state anything with the Department of the Secretary which he did not believe to be correct, of State for 1873 were $28,054; for to the House. He would refer to 1876 they were $28,730, increase $676. another matter relating to the Pictou The expenses for the Department of and Truro Branch Railway, N.S. It the Minister of the Interior in 1873 was known that a resolution had forwere $15,206; in 1876 they were merly passed the House according to $37,030, increase $21,824, and these which this railway was to be given to increases were paid out of the pockets a company on certain conditions, but of the people and the resources of this what did they find to have taken country. He had taken these figures place last year? In the interim, from the Public Accounts. As to the and before the bill had passed the Department of Militia and Defence, House, to confirm this arrangement, he did not know but that the new the Government had expended someMinister of War might retrench its thing like $300,000 in order to relay expenditure, but no such thing had this road with steel rails, and then handbeen done by the late Minister; in ed it over to the company without 1873 the expenditure for this Depart- taking the House into their confidence. ment amounted to $29,366; in 1876 He felt satisfied that more had been it amounted to $33,750, increase, $4,384. done in this regard than had been The expenses for the Receiver Gen- | known, and that the Government was eral's Department-the duties of the anxious to bury and put out of the way Receiver General, he would remark by that monument of their folly,—the the way, must be very arduous-were piles of steel rails which were now in 1873, $15,418, and in 1876, $16,825; rusting in this country; but he had increase, $1,407. The expenditure of not for a moment thought that the the Finance Department in 1873 was Administration would give away the $41,690,and in 1876, $52,050 ; increase, amount of $300,000 for steel rails and $10,360. In the Customs Department for repairs to the ferry and wharves at the expenditure in 1873 amounted to New Glasgow. $21,027, and in 1876 to $24,550; increase, $3,523. The expenditure for the Inland Revenue Department was in 1873, $15,977, and in 1876, $20,830; increase, $4,853. Othe departmenOthe departmental expenditures were as follows: Public Works Department, 1873, $37,124 1876, $15,534 increase, $8,410. Marine and Fisheries, 1873, $16,436; 1876, $23,060 -increase, $6,624. Department of Agriculture, 1873, $22,240; 1876, $26,455-increase, $4,015. Post Office Department, 1873, $65,743; 1876, $82,445-increase, $16,702. He also found a large increase in the contingencies item besides. He could proceed in this manner throughout the public service. All the other facts, as to expenditure, were in keep. ing with those which he had mentioned. The same thing was true of the Government's adminstration throughout the country, where three men were employed to do two men's work.

An HON. MEMBER: What did they do with the old iron ?

MR. MCCALLUM: What had the Government done with the old iron? That was the question. He must say this, that at the time the resolutions in question were before the House, and when the Government had taken authority to give away the old iron rails, he had risen and stated that if such power were bestowed upon the Administration, they would use it in order to keep themselves in power; and the hon. member for North Hastings (Mr. Bowell) had also then said the Gov. ernment should not be clothed with any such authority. He (Mr. McCallum) had further declared that the then proposition of the Goverment was wrong in principle, and that the House would find it would be wrong in practice; and if he was to believe what appeared in the press of the country, an hon. member from the Province of New Brunswick had stated on the hustings that he had received a letter from the hon. the Prime Minister, MR. MCCALLUM: This was a fact. informing him that he (Mr. Mackenzie)

An HON. MEMBER: This cannot

be so.

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had sufficient old rails to lay what | Plumb) had knocked the pins from is called the Central Railway. And if, under the feet of the hon. member, what the press stated was correct, that when he (Mr. Plumb) showed the hon. gentleman had further said he had degree of protection which the United made the bestowal of old rails condi- | States then enjoyed. What was the tional with the hon. the Prime Minister fact as far as the United States were in return for his support of the Admin- concerned? In 1850, twenty-seven years istration. The predictions of his hon. ago, their exports amounted in value to friend from North Hastings (Mr. $136,941,912, and their imports to Bowell) and of himself, in this connec- $178,138,318, showing a balance of tion, had come true. The Government $41,196,406 against them. The hon. were using these old rails in order to gentleman (Mr. Charlton) in his keep themselves in power, in lieu of address to the House, had endeaselling the rails to the benefit of the voured to convey the idea that the people, who were taxpayers in this United States had stood still, as far country. He knew that his hon. as prosperity was concerned, for friend the member for North Norfolk seventeen years; and that the United (Mr Charlton) was an authority re- States were in a less prosperous congarding the trade of the United States, dition to-day than they were twentyand he (Mr Charlton) was a gentle- seven years ago. In 1860, the exports man whom he (Mr. McCallum) very of the United States amounted in much respected. On a former occasion, value to $378,189,274 and the imports that hon gentleman had made a very to $362,166,252, showing a balance in strong Protection speech in this House. their favour at that time, it was true, of He was not going to accuse the hon. $16,023,022; but his hon. friend had gentleman of having done anything sought to make the House believe that wrong in changing his opinion on this the United States had not made any question, for every man had a right to progress since that time-seventeen change his opinion. But when this hon. years ago. The fact was that in 1877, gentleman told them that the protec- the last fiscal year for which they had tionist policy of the United States,- returns, the exports of the United that great country to the south of us, States amounted to $658,637,457, and which he might say was the country the imports to $492,067,540, showing of the hon gentleman's birth,-had been a balance in favour of that country of extremely disastrous to that country, $166,539,917. How then could the and further, that we should avoid copy- hon. member undertake to show that ing that policy, he prefered by far to the United States had remained in a take the dictum of the Secretary of stationary condition? He thought he State for the United States on this could prove that the hon. gentleman question, for this latter gentleman was was mistaken in this respect. In 1860the a much greater authority on that sub-exports and imports of the United States ject even than his hon. friend Mr. amounted in value to $740,355,526, Charlton. And what did Mr. Evarts and in 1877 to $1,150,701,997, say? In the first place, he would ask showing an increase for these sevenhow they were going to ascertain that teen years of over 50 per cent. and this a people were prosperous? By what was the country that we should avoid means were they to discover that a copying, and which was going to ruin. nation was prosperous? This must be They were asked to take the statement done by learning what had been their of the hon. member on this subject increase of population and of trade. no matter what any other authority, What were the facts? The hon. gen- or what any member of the American tleman (Mr. Charlton) had the other Government might say. The hon. day told the House that the pros- gentleman asked this House and the perous period of the United States people of this country to accept him. was the period which elapsed between as their authority on that great 1850 and 1860. He (Mr. McCallum) question. He (Mr. McCallum) deknew that the United States were at clined to do so. He would now that time prosperous; but he thought read the opinions of some eminent that his hon. friend from Niagara (Mr. | men in the United States

and sce

what they said as far as Protection to encourage the industries of the people was concerned. He did not advocate Protection for Protection's | sake. He maintained that the tariff of this country should be levied so as to encourage the industries of our own people. He claimed that this should be done. He would see what Mr. Evarts, the Secretary of State for the United States, stated. It was as follows:

"Although there may be many signs of reviving industry, no great and thoroughly felt movement in this direction can be expected until some comprehensive policy be adopted to disenthrall the contracted sphere of American trade. By this I do not mean that the industrial interests of this country demand Free Trade. I am fully advised and convinced by correspondence, study and reflection, that this theory is not a true one for this country. The first duty of a Government is the judicious protection of the products of the capital and labour of its own people. In our country, the agricultural classes of the west, as well as the manufacturing classes of the east, have a mutual interest in the preservation and promotion of home industry, for no one class of our people can thrive long without the co-operation of the productive labour of the other. instance of the disadvantages of what is known as Free Trade, in its radical sense, it is but necessary to look to the deplorable condition of the iron trade in Germany. The loss on last year's operations amounts to $2,000,000 on a capital of $75,000,000 in iron and steel companies alone; and this, it is found, has disastrously affected other interests. Even such a reliable English authority as the Iron and Coal Trade Review, alluding to the defeat of the bill in the German Reichstag reimposing duties upon iron and steel, admits that the iron trade of Germany received a disastrous blow through that action. In France the value of the Pro

As an

tection policy is held. According to the report of the Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, there is shown, against 3,907,000,000 francs of exports and imports in 1859, 7,625,000,000 francs, the value of the same in 1874. The same has been the experience of Russia; and according to a late communication from Minister Layard, at Constantinople, the largest share of the imbecility and poverty of the Turkish people, as now demonstrated in the condition of the empire in its struggle in the existing war, is attributed solely to the edicts in the interest of unqualified Free Trade. The Free Trade system of England may have been beneficial to the industrial interests of that country; but with increased cost of material and labour, sooner or later inevitable, the conditions now favourable to such a policy will be greatly modified.

"I cannot be willing to sacrifice the developing interests of my country to an abstract idea. In regard to this protective system I do not entertain the opinion that legislation of a prohibitory character would be a wise policy, but Protection to the extent of guarding home industry against ruinous foreign competition. In the introduction of improved appliances in the way of machinery, the cost of production has been lowered, so that, by a judicious en

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couragement of American manufactures, the
competition now being felt by foreign manu-
factures from American articles will be greatly
strengthened and enlarged. Protection and
Free Trad are abstract terms, vague in mean-
ing, and but little understood. My view is,
that it is not Protection or Free Trade so much
as full trade that we require. The vast re-
sources of our country need an outlet, as we
have recognized so disastrously during the past
five years. Production is greater than our home
demands; and unless an outlet is found for
this excess we must still continue to feel the
depressing effects. It is the duty of the Gov-
ernment, as already intimated, to protect all
classes-not only the manufacturers, but the
agriculturists and miners "

That was the authority that was given
to this House. The policy of the
United States
United States was to protect the
agriculturists of the country as well as
the manufacturing and mining in-
terests. Who did the House imagine
they would protect the people against?
Against the competition of the Cana-
dians, who were alongside of them. He
hoped that this Government would
soon, at least, if they did not do it now,
re-arrange the tariff to meet this state
of things, or they would find to their
sorrow that they were doing injustice
to the people. He agreed with the
hon. member for North Norfolk, when
he said that this country wanted a fair
field and no favour. He agreed with
him that it was very desirable that
there should be a fair field and no
favour. He asked no favours.
believed that the Canadian people
should have a fair field and no favour,
and they could compete in any branch
of business with any other people in
the world. He believed they were
economical and industrious; but he
would ask the hon. gentleman if they
now got a fair field and no favour?
That was the question. He would
endeavour to prove to this House,
before he sat down, that they had not
got a fair field and no favour.
thought he could show that the people
of this country, through the unjust
trade relations between this country
and the United States, were losers to
the extent of $8,000,000 or $9,000,000

He

He

a year. Hon. gentlemen might say

that that could not be done; but he would endeavour to do it. Last year, at least as far as he had got the returns, we sold the Americans $26,085,268 Worth, but of that, $1,475,330 went in under the Fisheries Treaty-it was the product of the fisheries; therefore,

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