share in their formation; he can refuse | undefined are their powers, that it may his sanction to them, but, by a singular be doubted whether they do not amount anomaly, though that prevents their execution, it does not prevent them from being laws, and being enforced when a more pliant chief of the republic is elected. The only real source of influence which the President enjoys, is the nomination to employments under government; and their number is very considerable, for it already amounts to sixty thousand, the greater part of whom are removed with every change of administration.*

to those of declaring peace and war, and acting in all respects as independent states. Certain it is, that on more than one occasion,-particularly the dispute with the southern states in 1834, on the question of nullifying the tariff of duties established by Congress; and the open hostilities which the northern states carried on with the British inhabitants on the Canada frontier in 1837 and 1839,-the separate states, the Carolinas in the first instance, and New 54. It is not, however, either in the York and Maine in the second, took President or the Senate, in the min- upon themselves to set the authority of isters of state or the House of Repre- the central government at defiance; and sentatives, that the true sovereignty of Congress and the executive were glad the United States resides. Govern- to veil their weakness under the guise ment is really vested in THE PEOPLE of moderation, while in reality they and that, too, not in the figurative and succumbed to the whole demands of hyperbolic sense in which that expres- the insurgent commonwealths. It does sion is used in the declamations of not require the gift of prophecy to modern Europe, but really, practically, foretell, that a vast confederacy of se and effectively. Each separate state is parate states, each with its own legisa democracy in itself, and in it the lature and armed force, and actuated, power of the people is exerted without from difference of climate and situaany control. Every one has its gov- tion, by opposite and conflicting interernor, its senate, and house of repre-ests, held together by so slender a tie, sentatives; the whole number of which, is not destined to hang long together. in both houses, are elected by the uni- The very difference in the national chaversal suffrage of the people. The sen- racter and descent in different parts of ators, in these state legislatures, vary the Union, renders it highly improbable from twelve to ninety-three in number; that they can remain permanently unitthe representatives from twenty-six to ed. "What similarity," says Chateauthree hundred and fifty-two. These briand, "is there between a Frenchman legislative bodies are vested with what of Louisiana, a Spaniard of the Floripractically amounts to absolute powers das, a German of New York, an Engin their separate states; and the gov-lishman of New England, of Virginia, ernor carries into effect the declared of Carolina, of Georgia? Yet they are will of the majority of both houses, in all called Americans. The one is volalike manner as he does the declared tile, and a duellist; the other a proud will of Congress. They exclusively and indolent Catholic; this a Lutheran manage their debts, finances, improve- labourer, without slaves; that an Engments, judicial establishment, militia, lish Protestant, with slaves; here is a harbours, roads, railways, canals, and Puritan merchant; there an Episcopa-, whole local concerns. So extensive and lian slave-driver. Can ages ever render * Offices in America in the gift of the exe- such a population homogeneous?"

cutive :

55. In one important respect America differs entirely from any state of Christendom, or indeed any that ever before existed in the world. It acknowledges no state religion; and no public funds whatever are provided for the clergy, or religious instructors of any denomination. All are on the foot

the unseen chain which it has thrown over the passions and vices of men, more, perhaps, than any other cause, that the existence of society for so considerable a period as sixty years, without any great convulsions, notwithstanding the almost entire absence of external restraint or efficient government, is to be ascribed.

ing of dissenters in England; that is, they are maintained solely by the seat rents, or the voluntary contributions of their flocks. Churches, especially in the great towns, are numerous, and embrace every possible variety of belief, from the austere Puritan, the genuine descendant of the patriarchs who, two centuries ago, sought a refuge in New England from the persecution of Charles 57. But the difficulties of the AmeI, to the lax Socinian, whose creed rican church are yet to come; and with scarcely differs from that of the Deist the increase of its destitute population, of former times. Episcopacy is the and of the classes which subsist on prevailing religion of the higher classes wages alone, the impossibility of proin the principal cities of the Union, ex-viding by voluntary contribution for cept Baltimore: but the Baptists and Methodists are by far the most considerable sects. The Presbyterians are also very numerous; and in several districts the Roman Catholics are making great progress, insomuch that they now number above two millions of souls within the pale of their church in the whole states of the Union.

56. Religion in the United States being entirely separated from civil government, its ministers are relieved from that jealousy which in Great Britain is attached by the democratic party to every person in any situation of trust, whether civil or ecclesiastical, whose nomination is not vested in themselves. The clergy of all denominations are elected by their congregations; they are maintained by them during their incumbency; they may, in most cases, like those of the dissenting congregations in the British Islands, be dismissed by them at pleasure.* A strong religious feeling pervades the United States, especially New England and Pennsylvania, which has descended to them from their Puritan or Quaker ancestors; and this is much enhanced by the complete divorce from temporal concerns which has taken place in the church. The clergy have no political influence, and never intermeddle with temporal affairs. But in no country in the world have they a stronger sway in society, or are their opinions more attended to, especially by the female portion of their congregations. It is to this general influence of religion, and

the maintenance of religion will become very apparent. No want of religious instruction is felt in the great commercial towns, but in the rural districts the case is often directly the reverse; + and although the proportion of proprietors has hitherto been so great, no less than five millions of persons already exist in the United States, for whom there is no provision in any place of endowed or existing public worship whatever. § If this is the case in their

"The Baptist sect alone proclaims a want of above three thousand ministers to Churches supply the existing churches. ing."-MARTINEAU, iii. 272, 273. This is the and funds are sufficient, but men are wantprecise point where the question hinges, and the difficulty always occurs: it is comparatively easy, under the influence of temporary excitement or philanthropic feeling, to build churches, at least in great towns; to maintain their ministers in decent competence from voluntary sources is a very different

matter.

The American Board of Education makes the following statement, March 8, 1844:"A vast population exists in these United States, for whom no means of grace whatever are provided. The most accurate examination would fix the number at not less than five millions! Among this mass of perishing immortal beings, at our very doors, error in its countless forms,--Popery, intidelity, and delusions wilder than the fanatical dreams of Mahomet, are making fearful havoc of souls. Indeed, the whole number of nominal professors of religion, in all the evangelical denominations in the land, does not much exceed two millions, while our population numbers eighteen millions."

According to a general summary of renumber of churches was 15,477; but there igious denominations, made in 1835, the were only 12,130 ministers."-MARTINEAU, iii. 272. This is about one church to each thousand inhabitants, and one minister to each thirteen hundred: the population being at that period about 15,000,000. This, on an

infancy, what will it be in their matur- | nations on the voluntary support of their

the worst enemies of Christianity, ex- | religion, of European arts, and all the cept the vicious." Such is the fruit of stores of ancient knowledge; they had the voluntary system, according to the neither a territorial aristocracy, nor a testimony of its most ardent sup- sovereign on the throne, nor a herediporters An English historian need tary nobility, nor a national debt, nor not fear to express this opinion, for he an established church, which are ususees ample evidence around him of a ally held out as the impediments to similar tendency among the dissenting the advancement of freedom in the Old clergy in his own country. They are World. How, then, has the republican sufficiently inclined, indeed, to with- system worked in this, the garden of stand the influence and denounce the the world, and the land of promise? vices of the government, of the estab- The answer shall be given on no mean lished church, or of the richer classes authority-in the words of one, himwho attend the churches of rival per- self an ardent, though candid supporter suasions; but are they equally active of democratic equality, and whose poliin denouncing the sins that most easily tical writings, alone of any in this age, beset their own popular supporters?* deserve a place beside the works of 59. Here, then, is a country in which, Bacon and Machiavel. if they ever had such on earth, republican principles have enjoyed the fairest ground for trial, and the best opportunity for establishing their benefits. The land was boundless, and, in the interior at least, of unexampled fertility; the nation began its career with all the advantages and powers, and none of the evils, and scarce any of the burdens of civilisation. They had the inheritance of English laws, customs, and descent; of the Christian At a general conference of the clergy of Georgia, held at Athens on December 30, 1837, it was resolved :

"I That it is the sense of the Georgia Annual Conference, that slavery, as it exists in the United States, is not a moral evil.

"Resolved, that we view slavery as a civil and domestic institution, and one with

60. "The self-government and allpowerful sway of the majority," says M. de Tocqueville, "is the greatest and most formidable evil in the United States. The reproach to which I conceive a democratic government, such as is there established, is open, is not, as many in Europe pretend, its weakness; it is, on the contrary, its irresistible strength. What I feel repugnance to in America is not the extreme liberty which reigns in it, but the slender guarantee which is to be found against tyranny. When a man, or a party, suffers from injustice springing from the majority in the United States, to whom can he apply for redress? To public opinion? It is formed by the majority. To the legislative body? It represents the majority, and blindly obeys its mandates. To the executive? It is named by the majority, and is the passive instrument in its hands. To the public force? It is nothing Contrast this with the gradual extinction but the majority under arms. To a of slavery in the chief states of Europe by jury? It is the judicial committee of the unceasing efforts and exhortations of the Christian clergy, and say whether religion the majority. To the judges? They has not descended from her pedestal when are in some states elected by the ma she ceased to rest on independent revenues. What is most surprising of all, a large jority, and hold their offices at their number of the clergy, and especially those of pleasure. How unjust and unreasonthe Episcopal Church, including those who able soever may be the measure which call themselves evengelical, are not merely strikes you, no redress is practicable, palliators of this state of slavery, but advo- and you must submit."- -"Liberty of cates for its continuance, and deprecators of all public discussion on the subject; so that, if the thought and opinion," says Miss Marrepublicans understand civil and political tineau, "is strenuously maintained in liberty but imperfectly, the Christian pro-words in America; it has become alfessors seem to understand the liberty of religion and justice still less."-BUCKINGHAM's most a wearisome declamation; but it America, i. 79, 87. is a sad and deplorable fact, that in no

which, as ministers of Christ, we have nothing to do, further than to ameliorate the condition of the slave, by endeavouring to impart to him and his master the benign influence of the religion of Christ, and aiding both in their way to heaven."- New York Beening Post, Jan. 5, 1838.

It

country on earth is the mind more and stamped with one image and sufettered than it is here; what is called perscription. Party spirit, indeed, public opinion has set up a despotism runs extremely high; the public press such as exists nowhere else-public abounds with furious and often coarse opinion, sitting in the dark, wrapt up invective, and the most vehement diviin mystification and vague terrors of sion of opinion often agitates the obscurity, deriving power no one knows whole Union. But in neither of these from whom, like an Asiatic monarch, vast arrays is there any originality unapproachable, unimpeachable, unde- or stubborn independence of thought thronable, perhaps illegitimate; but ir- in individuals; all follow implicitly, resistible in its power to quell thought, like the well-disciplined forces of a parrepress action, and silence conviction; liamentary leader in England, the opinbringing the timid perpetually under ions of their separate parties. It is a the unworthy fear of man-fear of mere struggle of numbers for the susome superior opinion which rules the periority, and the moment the conpopular breath for a day, and controls, test is decided by a vote, the minthrough impudent folly, the speech ority give way, and public opinion and actions of the wise."-"This coun- ranges itself, to appearance, universally try," says Jefferson, "which has given on the side of the greater number. the world the example of physical lib- may well be believed that this unanierty, owes it that of moral emancipa- mity is seeming only; and that the tion also; for as yet it is but nominal beaten party do not really become conwith us. The inquisition of public verted to the opinions of their antaopinion overwhelms in practice the gonists. But they are compelled to freedom asserted by the laws in theory." feign acquiescence; they must crouch 61. Original thought, independence to numbers. That noblest of specof character, intrepid assertion of opin-tacles, which is so often exhibited in ion, against the prepossessions of the England, of a resolute minority, strong majority, are, generally speaking, un- in the conviction and intrepid in the known in America, at least in all who assertion of truth, firmly maintaining aspire to a share in the administration its opinions in the midst of the insurof public affairs. Where it exists, it is gent waves of an overwhelming mausually found in persons of respect- jority, is scarcely ever seen on the able birth or ancient descent, who seek, other side of the Atlantic. They feel in the privacy of their own homes, that sufficiently often the "civium ardor independence which is immediately ex- prava jubentium;" but the "justum tinguished in public life. They pass, et tenacem propositi virum" is unin consequence, for aristocrats, and are known.* The reason is obvious: soregarded with jealousy as such. This ciety in America is governed only by is admitted by their own ablest and one element. Individual resolution is best-informed writers." So completely not wanting, but it has no ground to do the ideas of all who appear in pub-rest on against the ruling and irresistlic affairs flow in one channel, that you would say they are all cast in one mould, "Manliness of character is more likely to be the concomitant of aristocratic than of democratic birth; for the first feel themselves above public opinion, but the last bow

to it as the slave to his master. I have

learned in America to feel the truth of a

maxim which is becoming familiar amongst us, that it takes an aristocrat to play the true democrat. All the real manly democrats I have ever known in America have been accused of aristocracy, simply because they were disposed to carry out their principles, and not let that imperious sovereign, the neighbourhood, play the tyrant over them."-COOPER, in Lucy Hardinge, ii. 82.

ible majority. It is as impossible to escape being carried away by the tide, as for a dismasted ship in a bottomless ocean to avoid being swept on by the waves. Yet there is a remedy for this, When the event has proved the maas for all the other evils of society. jority to be in the wrong, which is very often the case, the former general opinion is not openly assailed, but it is secretly abandoned. One by one the

"The ardour of the citizens urging on ruinous measures;" but "the just man, tenacious of his purpose," is unknown.