nor the ability to write with skill was wanting to many among the Greeks.1 tion, those higher schools, which the next age called Universities, were gradually established. Paris exceeded all the other cities of Europe in the number of its learned men, in its schools of various kinds, as well as in the number of its students. Hence in this city, about the middle of the century, arose an institution similar to our learned bodies of the present time, which was as yet rude and imperfect, but which time gradually moulded into form and brought to perfection. Nearly 2. No one took more pains to excite and cherish the love of philosophy, it is said, than Michael Anchialus, patriarch of Constantinople. The philosophy to which he was attached appears to have been that of Aristotle, for the cultivators of philosophy among the Greeks were chiefly employed in expounding and improving this system, as appears among other specimens from Eustratius's exposition of Aristotle's Ethics and Analytics.3 Yet the Platonic philoso- at the same time a distinguished school phy was not wholly neglected. On the for the various sciences was founded at contrary it appears that many, and espe- Angers by the efforts and care of Ulger, cially those who embraced the principles of the bishop; though here jurisprudence apthe mystics, much preferred this philosophy pears to have held the first rank. There to the Peripatetic; and they considered was already at Montpelier a very celePlato as suited to men of piety and candour, brated school for the civil law, and for while Aristotle was suited to the disputatious and the vain-glorious. Their disagreement soon after gave rise to the noted controversy among the Greeks, respecting the comparative merits of the Platonic and the Aristotelian philosophy. 3. In a great part of the western world extraordinary zeal was awakened in this age for the prosecution of literature and the cultivation of every branch of learning, to which some of the pontiffs and the kings and princes, who could see the utility of learning in improving and consolidating the state, contributed by their authority and munificence. Hence associations of learned men were formed in many places, for teaching the various branches of human knowledge; and as the youth resorted to them in great numbers eager for instruc If the term be taken in its greatest latitude, including not merely the historians of the Greek empire and in the Greek language, but also historians of the Greek church, then it must include the monk Nestor, the father of Russian history, who flourished at Kiow in the latter part of the cleventh century and first part of the twelfth, and whose annals have procured reputation to Professor Schlözer. See his Probe Russicher Annalen, Bremen and Gotting. 1768, 8vo.-Schl. [And Nestor's Annalen mit Uebersetz. u. Anmerk. by Schlözer, Gotting. 1802-1809, 5 vols. 8vo.-Mur. 2 Balsamon, Præfut. ad Photii Nomocanonem in Justell's Biblio. Juris Canon. Vet. tom. ii. p. 814.[Michael Anchialus was patriarch of Constantinople from A.D. 1167 to A.D. 1185. According to Balsamon he was a consummate philosopher, and it is certain that he was a fierce antagonist of the Latins. He has left us five synodal decrees, published Gr. and Lat. in the Jus Gr. Rom. lib. iii. p. 227. He also composed a Dialogue which he had with the emperor Manuel Comnenus, upon occasion of the arrival at Constantinople of legates from the Roman pontiff, some extracts from which are published by Leo Allatius, De Consensu, &c. lib. ii. cap. iii. sec. ii. cap. v. sec. ii. and cap. ix. sec. iii.-Mur. 3 Eustratius was metropolitan of Nice about A.D. 1110, and was reputed a learned man as well as a distinguished theologian. His comments on Aristotle's Ethics, and on the latter part of his Analytics, havo been published. His tract against Chrysolanus, De Processione Sp. Sancti, still exists in MS. besides (as is said) some other tracts on the same subject.-Mur. In medical science. In Italy the school of 4 Bulus, Hist. Acad. Paris, tom. ii. p. 463, &c. 5 Buleus, ubi supra, tom. ii. p. 215. Pocquet de la Livoniere, Diss. sur l'Antiquité de l'Université d'Angers, p. 21, &c. Angers, 1736, 4to. 6 Hist. Génér. de Languedoc, par les Bénédictins, tome li. p. 517, &c. The inhabitants of Bologna tell us their university was founded as early as the fifth century by Theodosius II. and they show the diploma of that emperor by which he enriched their city with such an ornament. But most writers contend that this diploma is a fabrication; and they adduce strong proofs that the school of Bologna was not more ancient than the eleventh century, and that its principal enlargement was in the twelfth century, particularly in the time of Lothair II. See Sigonius, Hist. Bononiensis, as published with notes among his works; Muratori, Antiquitates Italica Medii Evi, tom. iii. p. 23, 884, 898, and especially the very learned Keufel's elegant History of the University of Bologna, written in German, Helmst. 1750, 8vo. Compare Böhmer's Præf. ad Corpus Juris Canonici, p. 9, &c. [See also Conringius, Antiq. Academ. Diss. iii. p. 98-102; Mascovius, Comment. de Reb. Imperii sub. Hen. IV. &c. Lips. 1748, p. 242.-R. 1 cayed. But the daily increasing fame and From this time the learned began to study glory of the higher schools or universities the Roman law with more eagerness, rendered this law of little effect; for the schools were opened for its study in the majority flocking to those new seats of university of Bologna, and afterwards in learning, the mouiastic and cathedral schools other cities both in Italy and beyond it. gradually declined. The consequence was, that whereas men had previously lived under various laws, and every freeman had been at liberty to choose which he would obey, whether the Salic laws, or those of the Lombards, or of the Burgundians, &c. the Roman laws gradually obtained the ascendancy through the greater part of Europe, and excluded all others. It is an old opinion that Lotharius II. at the instigation of Irnerius or Guarnerus, the first teacher of the Roman law in the university of Bologna, published a decree that all should thenceforth obey the Roman law only, the others being abrogated. But learned men have shown that this opinion is supported by no solid evidence.1 4. Among the benefits derived from these many literary associations at their very commencement was this, that not only were the boundaries of human knowledge extended, but a new division of the branches of it took place. Hitherto all learning had been confined to what were called the seven liberal arts; three of which, grammar, rhetoric, and dialectics, comprised what was called the Trivium, and the other four, arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy, were called the Quadrivium. Most persons were contented with the Trivium; but those who wished to be thought learned men of the first rank ascended to the Quadrivium. To these [seven liberal] arts were now added, besides the study of languages for which few had much taste, theology-not however the old and simple theology which was destitute of system and connexion, and rested solely on texts of scripture and sentences from the fathers, but philosophical or scholastic theology; also, jurisprudence or civil and canon law; and lastly medicine, or physic as it was then called. For as peculiar schools were now devoted to these sciences, they were of course placed in the list of studies which merited the attention of men of erudition. And when this was done, the common distribution of the sciences had to be changed. Hence the seven liberal arts were gradually included under the term philosophy, to which were added theology, jurisprudence, and medicine. And thus these four Faculties, as they are called, were in the next century formed in the universities. 5. In Italy the reputation and authority of the old Roman law revived, and it caused all other systems of law then in use to go into desuetude, after the discovery at the capture of Amalphi, A.D. 1137, by the emperor Lotharius II. of the cele brated copy of the Pandects or Digest, of which there had been very little knowledge for many centuries, and which now came into the possession of the Pisans. 1 See Böhmer's Jus Eccles. Protestantium, tom. iv. P. 705. 2 The word Physica, though according to its etymology it denotes the study of natural philosophy in general, was in the twelfth century applied particularly to medicinal studies, and it has also preserved that limited sense in the English language.-Macl. 3 It has been shown by later inquirers, especially by Muratori in the Forty-fourth Dissertation of his Antiq. 6. The civil law being placed among the sciences to be taught in the schools, the Roman pontiffs and their friends deemed it not only useful but necessary that the canon law, or that which regulates the affairs of the church, should enjoy the same privilege. There existed indeed some collections of canons or ecclesiastical laws, but there was not one among them which was complete and fit to be expounded in the schools, in consequence both of their want of arrangement and their deficiency in copiousness of matter. Hence Gratian, a Benedictine monk, born at Chiusi and now residing at Bologna in the monastery of St. Felix and Nabor, about the year 1130 compiled from the writings of the ancient doctors, the epistles of the pontiffs, and the decrees of councils, an epitome of canon law, suitable for the instruction of youth in the schools. The Roman pon Ital. Med. Evi, vol. iii. col. 884-998; and by Savigny the study of the Roman law and even of the Pandects in his Geschichte des Römis. Rechts, v. iii p. 83, that had been cultivated in various parts of Europe prior Pandects is now in the Laurentian Library in Florence, to the capture of Amalfi. This cclebrated copy of the and is in excellent preservation.—R. 4 See Conringius, De Origine Juris Germanici, cap. xxii.; Guido Grandus, Epist. de Pandectis, . 21, 69, cd. Florence, 1737, 4to; Brenemann, Hist. Pandectar p. 41, &c.; Muratori, Præf. ad Leges Longobardas, in his Scriptores Rer. Italicar. tom. i. par. il, p. 4 &c.; and in his Antiq. Ital. Medii Evi, tom. ii. p. 28, &c. On this subject Calixtus had a warm controversy with Barth. Nihusius, who adhered to the common opinion respecting Irnerius and Lotharius. The history of this controversy is given by Möller, Cimbria Literata tom. iii. p. 142, &c. 5 Of Gratian himself nothing more is known than is stated in the text. He completed his Decretum about A.D. 1151. It is divided into three parts. The first part is subdivided into one hundred and one Distinctiones. In these he treats of law in general and canon law in particular, in the first twenty distinctions; and then proceeds to treat of the different orders of the tiff, Eugene III. was highly pleased with the work; and the doctors of Bologna received it with applause, and immediately adopted it as their guide in teaching, and their example was followed first by the university of Paris, and then by the other universities. The most learned men of the Romish church acknowledge that Gratian's Decretum, as it is commonly called, or his Concordia Discordantium Canonum, as the author himself called it, is full of innumerable faults and mistakes. Yet, as it admirably strengthens and supports the power of the Roman pontiffs, it has become in a measure sacred, and still retains that high authority which it unreasonably ac quired in that illiterate and barbarous age.2 clergy, their qualifications, ordination, duties, and powers. The second part is subdivided into thirty-six Cause, each embracing several questions which are treated of in one or more chapters. This part properly contains the rules and principles of proceeding in the ecclesiastical courts in all the varieties of causes which occur. The third part is much shorter than either of the preceding. It is divided into five Distinctiones, and treats of the consecration of churches, worship, the sacraments, fasts and festivals, images, &c. This work, with the Decretalia of Gregory IX. in five books, the Liber Sextus Decretalium of Boniface VIII. the Constitutiones of Clement V. and the Extravagantes of 7. All the Latins who wished to rank among learned men eagerly studied philosophy. Most people about the middle of the century divided philosophy, taking the word in its broadest sense, into theoretical, practical, mechanical, and logical. Under theoretical philosophy was comprehended theology in that form in which it is pursued under the guidance of reason, that is, natural theology; also mathematics and physics. To practical philosophy belonged ethics, economics, and politics. Mechanical philosophy embraced the seven arts of common life, including navigation, agriculture, and hunting. Logic they divided into grammar and the art of reasoning; and the latter they subdivided into rhetoric, dialectics, and sophistics. Under the head of dialectics they included that branch of metaphysics which treats of general ideas. This distribution of the sciences was generally approved, yet some wished to separate mechanics and grammar from philosophy; but others opposed this, because they would have all science to be included under the name of philosophy.3 8. But the teachers of these several branches of philosophy were divided into various parties or sects, which had fierce contests with each other. In the first place there was a three-fold method of teaching philosophy. (1.) The old and simple me John XXII. and others, constitutes the Corpus Juris Canonici, and forms more than one-half of the whole. It is a compilation from genuine and spurious canons, decrees, and decisions, without much discrimination; and is so carelessly made that the authors are frequently confounded, and one cited for another. It is therefore no great authority, nor is it regarded as such by modern canonists. Though favourable to the prethod which did not go beyond Porphyry tensions of the Roman pontiffs in the main, yet it is and the Dialectics ascribed to St. Augusagainst their claims in several particulars; and this may have tended to sink its credit with both Catholics tine, and which advised that few persons and Protestants. After all, it was a noble work for the should study philosophy lest divine wisage in which it was compiled, and justly entitles its dom should become adulterated with human author to the appellation of the father of canon law.subtleties. (2.) The Aristotelian which Mur. explained and elucidated the works of Aristotle. For Latin translations of some of the books of Aristotle were now in the hands of the learned ; though these trans 1 See among others Anton. Augustinus, De Emendatione Gratiani, cum Observationibus Baluzii et l'an Mastricht, Arnheim, 1678, 8vo [and Gallandius, Sylloge de l'etustis Canonum Collect. Mentz, 1790, tom. ii. p. 185, &c.-R. [Numerous errors and mistakes having been discovered in the Decretum of Gratian, on which Augustinus wrote a treatise, it was subjected to a careful revision by order of the court of Rome, and then published with all the corrections which could be ascertained, by authority of Gregory XIII. A.D. 1580. Mur. [For further information on Gratian's compilation, and on the additions subsequently made to it, sce Böhmer, Dissert. de Vana Decreti Gratiani Fortuna, prefixed to his well-known work already referred to, the Corpus Jur. Canon.; and Bernardus, Gratiani Cunones Genuini ab Apocry. Discreti, Turin, 1752, 4 vols. 4to.-R. 2 See Van Mastricht, Hist. Juris Eccles. scc. 293, p. 325; Böhmer, Jus Eccles. Protestant. tom. i. p. 100, &c. and especially his Preface to his new edition of the Corpus Juris Canonici, Halle, 1747, 4to; Machiavel, Observationes ad Sigonii Hist. Bonon. tom. iii. Opp. Sigonii, p. 128, &c. He here adduces many now things respecting Gratian and his labours, from a very ancient Kalendarium Archigymnasii Bononiensis; but these statements are much questioned. Nor has that famous Kalendarium yet been published of which the Bolognians tell us so much, and of which they have repeatedly promised to give the world a copy, and thus end controversy respecting it. This fact increases suspicion; and, if I do not mistake, the fragments of the Kalendarium which have been published bear manifest marks of pious fraud. 3 These statements we have derived from several sources, but especially from Hugo de S. Victore, Didascal. lib. ii. cap. ii. p. 7, &c. Opp. tom. i. and from the Metalogicum of John of Salisbury, in various passages. 4 See the poem of Godof. de S. Victore, on the sects of philosophers in this age, published by Le Beuf, Diss. sur l'Hist. Ecclés. et Civile de Paris, tome ii. p. 254, &c.; Bulæus, Hist. Acad. Paris. tom. ii. p. 562, &c.; Wood, Antiq. Oxon. tom. i. p. 51; John of Salisbury, Metalogicum and Policraticon, passim. 3 De Monte, Appendix ad Sigebert. Gemblac. published by D'Achery, subjoined to the Opp. Guiberti de "Jacobus clericus Novigento, ad ann. 1128, p. 753. de Venecia transtulit de Græco in Latinum quosdam libros Aristotelis, et commentatus est, scilicet Topica, Analyt. priorcs et posteriores, et Elenchos. Quamvis antiquior translatio super eosdem libros haberetur." Thomas à Becket, Epistol. lib. ii. ep. xciii. p. 454, ed. Brussels, 1682, 4to. "Itero preces, quatenus libros Aristotelis, quos habetis, mihi faciatis exscribi.-Precor etiam iterata supplicatione, quatenus in Operibus Aristotelis, ubi difficiliora fuerint, notulas faciatis, eo quod interpretem aliquatenus suspectum habeo, quia licet eloquens fuerit alias, ut sæpe audivi, minus tamen fuit in Grammatica institutus." EE lations were rude, obscure, and ambiguous, these was added a third sect, that of the so that those who used them in teaching Formalists, which may be said to take often fell into strange incongruities and middle ground between the disputants. absurdities.1 (3.) The free method, by But they really did no good; for they cast which men attempted to investigate latent no light on the subject, and therefore only truth by their own ingenuity, aided how- furnished new matter for controversy. ever by the precepts of Aristotle and Plato. Those devoted to the study of the medical But those who pursued this method, com- art, astronomy, mathematics, and the kinmendable as it may be in itself, for the dred sciences, continued to repair to the most part misapplied their ingenuity, schools of the Saracens in Spain, and many and wearied themselves and their disci- books of the Arabians were translated into ples with idle questions and distinctions.2 Latin.5 For the high reputation of the These various opinions, contests, and de- Arabic learning, joined with zeal for the fects of the philosophisers induced many to conversion of the Spanish Saracens to hold all philosophy in contempt, and to Christianity, induced many to apply themwish to banish it from the schools. selves to the study of the Arabic language and literature. 3 CHAPTER II. VERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. 9. But none disputed more subtily or contended more fiercely than the dialecticians, who being occupied exclusively with universals as they were called or general ideas, confined their whole science to this HISTORY OF THE TEACHERS AND THE GOone subject and explained it in different ways. There were at this time two principal sects among them, Realists and Nominalists, each of which was subdivided into several minor parties. The Nominalists of this age were indeed inferior in numbers and in authority to the Realists, yet they were not without followers. To 1 Much exceedingly curious information as to these medieval translations of Aristotle's works into Latin is to be found in Jourdain, Récherches Critiques sur les Traductions Latines d'Aristotle, &c. Paris, 1819, 8vo. The result of his inquiries would appear to be, that while a very few of Aristotle's works, chiefly those on dialectics, were known in the West in Latin versions prior to the twelfth century, his principal works, those on philosophy both moral and political, on physics, and natural history, &c. were first known by means of translations into Latin, made in that century by Christian writers who frequented the Mahometan seminaries in Spain, and who there translated the Arabic versions which the Saracens had long before made from the Greek text, and sometimes even from a Syriac or Hebrew version. Jourdain thus describes the circuitous mode in which these Latin translations were made: "Le Chrétien, avide de science, se rendoit à Tolède, s'attachoit à un Juif, ou à un Sarrazin converti, puisoit dans sa fréquentation quelque connoissance de la langue maure; quand il vouloit un livre, ce maître le lui expliquoit en idiome vulgaire (en Espagnol), et il mettoit cette traduction verbale en Latin." P. 235. Among these translators it is curious to find the wellknown Michael Scott the astrologer, who thus employed himself at Toledo in 1217; see p. 139. On this topic, and on the intercourse between Christian and Arabian scholars through the medium of the Jews, see note L in the appendix to Hampden's Bampton Lectures, P. 443.-R. See John of Salisbury, Policraticon, p. 434, &c. and Metalogicum, p. 814, &c. and passim. 3 John of Salisbury, an elegant writer of this century, pleasantly says in his Policraticon, seu de Nugis Curialium, lib. vil. p. 451:"He (the philosopher) is prepared to solve the old question about genera and species, and while he is labouring upon it, the universe grows old; more time is consumed upon it than the Cæsars spent in conquering and subduing the world, more money is expended than all the wealth which Croesus ever possessed. For this single subject has occupied many so long, that after consuming their whole lives upon it they have not understood either that or anything else." 1. WHEREVER we turn our eyes we discover traces of the dishonesty, ignorance, luxury, and other vices, with which both the church and the state were contaminated by those who wished to be regarded as presiding over and taking the lead in all religious matters. If we except a few individuals who were of a better character 4 John of Salisbury, Policrat. lib. vii. p. 451, 452: "Some (the Formalists) with the mathematicians abstract the forms of things, and to them refer whatever is said about universals. Others (the Realists) examine men's sensations of objects, and maintain that these go by the name of universals. There were also some (the Nominalists) who held that words constitute the genera and species; but their opinion is now exploded, and with the authors of it has disappeared. Yet there are still some treading in their steps (though they blush to own their master and his opinions), and, adhering only to names, what they take away from things and from sensations they attribute to words." The sect of Formalists therefore is more ancient than John Duns Scotus, whom the learned have accounted the father of the Formalists. See also John of Salisbury's Metalogicum, lib. ii. cap. xvii. p. 814, &c. where he recounts the contests of these sects. "Alius (says he among other things) consistit in vocibus, licet hæc opinio cuni Roscelino suo fere jam evanuerit; alius sermones intuetur; alius versatur intellectibus," &c. 5 Gerhard of Cremona, a celebrated Italian astronomer and physician, removed to Toledo in Spain, and there translated many Arabic books into Latin. See Muratori, Antiq. Italica Medii Evi, tom. iii. p. 936, 337. Peter Mirmet, a French monk, went among the D'Achery, Spicileg. Veter. Scriptor. tom. ix. p. 443, Saracens in Spain and Africa to learn geography. See old ed. Dan. Merley or Morlach, an Englishman fond of mathematics, went to Toledo in Spain, and thence brought away to his own country many Arabic books. See Wood's Antiq. Oxon. tom. i. p. 56, &c. Peter the venerable abbot of Cluny went into Spain, and having learned the Arabian language, translated into Latin the Koran and a life of Mohammed. See Mabillon, Annales Benedict. tom. vi. lib. lxxvii. p. 345. And this Peter (as he himself tells us, Biblioth. Cluniacens. p. 1109) found in Spain on the Ebro, Robert Retenensis, an Englishman, and Herman, a Dalmatian, as well as others, pursuing the study of astrology. Many other examples of the kind may be collected from the records of this century. and who lamented the profligacy and vices | Rome A.D. 1102, renewed the decrees of of their order, all of them, disregarding the his predecessors against investitures, exsalvation of the people, were intent on fol- communicated Henry IV. anew, and stirred lowing their base propensities, increasing up enemies against him wherever he could. their wealth and honours, encroaching and Henry resolutely withstood these menaces trampling upon the rights of sovereigns and and machinations; but two years after, magistrates, and living in luxury and A.D. 1104, his own son Henry V. took up splendour. Those who wish to investigate arms against his father under pretence of this subject may consult Bernard's five religion; and now all was over. For after books of Meditations addressed to the pon- an unsuccessful campaign he was compelled tiff Eugene, and his Apology addressed to by his son to abdicate the throne, and died the abbot William; in the first of which friendless and forsaken at Liege A.D. 1106. works he censures and deplores the shame- Whether the son was induced to engage in ful conduct of the pontiffs and bishops, and this war with his father, by his ambition of in the last the corrupt lives of the monks. reigning or by the instigation of the pon2. The Roman pontiffs at the head of the tiff, does not appear. But it is certain Latin church laboured during the whole that Pascal absolved the son from his oath century, though not all with equal success, of obedience to his father, and very zeato retain the possessions and authority they lously supported and defended his cause.3 had acquired, as well as to extend them still farther; while on the contrary, the emperors and kings exerted themselves to the utmost to diminish their opulence and power. Hence arose perpetual jarring and warfare between the empire and the priesthood (as it was then expressed), which were a source of great public calamity. Pascal II. who was created pontiff at the close of the preceding century, reigned securely at the commencement of this; nor was the opposing faction, which sided with the emperors, sufficiently powerful to fix an imperial pontiff in the chair of the deceased Guibert.2 Pascal therefore in a council at 1 Gerhohus, De Corrupto Ecclesia Statu, in Baluze, Miscellanea, tom. v. p. 63, &c.; Gallia Christiana, tom. i. p. 6; Append. tom. ii. p. 265, 273, &c.; Bulæus, Hist. Acad. Paris. tom. ii. p. 490, 690, &c. where he treats at large of the morals of the ecclesiastics and cœnobites. [Hume (History of Eng. chap. x. A.D. 1189) says of Richard I. king of England, when about to enter on his crusade to Palestine, that he "carried so little the appearance of sanctity in his conduct, that Fulk, curate of Neuilly, a zealous preacher of the crusade, who from that merit had acquired the privilege of speaking the boldest truths, advised him to rid himself of his notorious sins, particularly his pride, avarice, and voluptuousness, which he called the king's three favourite daughters. You counsel well, replied Richard, and I hereby dispose of the first to the Templars, of the second to the Benedictines, and of the third to my prelates." Such a sarcasm from a monarch shows the notoriety of clerical vice as well as the peculiar direction it took in the principal classes of clerical persons. In the preceding chapter, A.D. 1189, Mr. Hume says: "We are told by Giraldus Cambrensis (cap. v. in Anglia Sacra, vol. ii.) that the monks and prior of St. Swithun threw themselves one day prostrate on the ground and in the mire, before Henry II. complaining, with many tears and much doleful lamentation, that the bishop of Winchester, who was also their abbot, had cut off three dishes from their table. How many has he left you? said the king. Ten only, replied the disconsolate monks. I myself, exclaimed the king, never have more than three; and I enjoin your bishop to reduce you to the same number." -Mur. 2 On the death of Guibert or Clement III. the Antipope, A.D. 1100, his friends chose one Albert for his successor. But he was taken the very day of his election and confined by Pascal in the monastery of St. 3. But this political revolution was far from answering the expectations of Pascal. For Henry V. could by no means be induced to give up the right of investing bishops and abbots, although he conceded to the colleges of canons and monks the power of electing them. Hence the pontiff, in the councils of Guastalla in Italy and Troyes in France, A.D. 1107, renewed the decrees which had been enacted against investitures. The controversy was now suspended for a few years, because Henry was so occupied with his wars that he had no leisure to pursue it. But when his wars were closed, A.D. 1110, he marched with a large army into Italy, to settle this protracted and pernicious controversy at Rome. As he advanced slowly towards Rome, the pontiff finding himself destitute of all succour, offered to compromise the matter with him on these conditions: that the king should relinquish the investiture with the staff and the ring, and the bishops and abbots should restore to the emperor the regal privileges [or regalia] which they had received since the times of Charlemagne, namely, the power of levying tribute, holding lordships, coining money, and the like. Henry V. acceded to these terms in the year 1111; but the bishops both of Italy and Germany vigorously opposed them. Lawrence. Theodoric was next chosen in his place, who also fell into Pascal's hands one hundred and five days after his election, and was shut up in the monastery of Cava. The friends of Guibert then chose Magrinulph or Silvester IV. for Pope, but he was obliged to leave Rome and died shortly after. Thus Pascal was soon left in quiet possession of St. Peter's chair. See Bower's Lives of the Popes, vol. v. p. 350.-Mur. 3 We have here consulted, in addition to the original sources, those excellent historians whom we mentioned in the preceding century. [See note 3, p. 356.-Hermann de Tournay (Narratio, &c in D'Achery's Spicilegium, tom. ii. p. 914), states that the pontiff wrote a letter to young Henry criminating his father, and exhorting him to aid the church against him.-Mur. |