maintained that piety was the only thing to be regarded, and that all discussions on religious subjects were to be discarded; for these were the most acceptable to the people, and had most influence with them. The accusations and prejudices of such opponents, the dialecticians judged it not advisable to repel by force, but to conciliate by prudent measures. They therefore extolled mystic theology with lavish praises, and even explained its principles in various treatises, combining it with the theology taught in the schools, notwithstanding the two systems were naturally at variance. The works of this character by Bonaventura, Albertus Magnus, Robert Capito, and Thomas Aquinas, are well known. Nor did they blush to publish comments on Dionysius himself, the coryphæus of the mystics, whom perhaps they at the same time viewed with secret contempt.' 10. Therefore in this century both the scholastics and the mystics wrote treatises on the duties of a Christian life, and on the way in which the soul is to be purified from its corruptions; but, as may readily be supposed, their treatises are very different in character. What the mystics taught and recommended as being a life of piety may be learned from the annotations of George Pachymeres on Dionysius, written in Greek, and from the Spiritual Institutes or Compendium of mystic theology by Humbert de Romanis. The primary object of the scholastics was to explain the nature of virtues and vices, as is manifest from the numerous Summas [or systems] of the virtues and vices which appeared in The virtues they divide into the moral (which are precisely those that Aristotle recommended to his disciples), and the theological, of which there are three-faith, hope, and love-according to the enumeration of St. Paul, 1 Corinth. xiii. 13. In explaining both they spend more time on questions and controversies this age. of these men in extolling and expounding the princi Whether Mosheim has here stated the real motives ples of the mystics, those must judge who are familiar with their writings. Metaphysical theology and mystical will be found often associated in the minds of gave at least as good evidence of deep-toned piety or of intimate communion with God as any others; and such men as Bonaventura may easily be supposed to have felt not a little sympathy with them in their devout contemplations. Who does not know how much the writings of Thomas à Kempis (a mystic of the fourteenth century) have been admired, even by Protestants, down to the present times? Besides, those more devout scholastics give too much evidence of sincerity and integrity to admit, without strong proof, that they would deliberately and systematically commend and write books in defence of a religious system which in their hearts they viewed with contempt.Mur. the devout in every age. And in that age, the mystics than in giving direct and lucid instruction. In this department the pre-eminence is due to Thomas, who devotes the entire second part of his Summa to moral or practical theology, and on whom innumerable others wrote commentaries. 11. But great care is necessary in reading the writers on moral theology of this and the following centuries. For though they use the same terms which the inspired writers and we of the present day do, yet they assign to them very different imports. The justice, charity, sanctity, and faith of most of the doctors of this age, are not identical with the virtues which Christ and his apostles designate by these terms. According to the views of Christ, he is a holy or pious man who devotes his whole soul to God and to his law; but the writers of these times denominate him a holy and pious man who divests himself of his possessions and worldly goods in order to enrich the priest and to build churches and monasteries, and who does not deny or neglect to do anything which the pontiffs would have men believe or do. And it is lawful and right, if we may believe these writers, to treat with all possible severity and even to massacre a heretic-that is, one who will not be submissive to the will of the Roman pontiff. The justice therefore which was inculcated in that age was a very different thing from that which the Scriptures enjoin. 12. Among the Greeks, Nicetas Acominatus in his Treasury of the Orthodox Faith confronted all the sects of errorists; but it was in the manner of the Greeksthat is, by the testimonies and the authority of the fathers and ecclesiastical councils, rather than by the declarations of holy scripture and by sound arguments.. Among the Latins, Raymund of Pennafort attempted to confute the Jews and Saracens, not in the manner practised previously, by penalties and the sword, but by arguments addressed to the understanding. And this led many others, who were no contemptible disputants and who were acquainted with the Hebrew and Arabic languages, to assail these nations in a similar manner, among whom Raymund Martini, the author of the Pugio Fidei, manifestly stands pre-eminent.3 2 Thomas also contended for the truth of Christianity in his Summa contra Gentes, which is no contemptible performance. 4 And Alanus ab Insulis [Alain de 2 Echard and Quetif's Scriptores Ord. Prædic. tom. 1. sæcul. xiii. p. 106, &c. 3 Bayle, Dictionnaire, article Martini, tom. ii. p. 2077; Colomesius, Hispania Orientalis, p. 209. 4 Fabricius, Delectus Argumentorum et Scriptor. pro Veritate Religionis Christianæ, p. 270. l'Isle] did the same in his work Against the | nople, and some other Greek bishops agreeJews and the Pagans. Those who engaged in other controversies were far inferior in merit to these, and aimed rather to render their adversaries odious than to lead them to embrace the truth. ing to it, the Greeks publicly consented to the terms of compromise prescribed by the pontiff.4 But on a change in the state of public affairs, the fear of a war from the Latins being at an end, Andronicus, the son of Michael, in the council of Constantinople held in the palace of Blachernæ A.D. 1284, annulled this disgraceful compromise and sent its author Veccus into exile. 5 After this the rancour and disputes became more violent than ever. 13. The principal controversy of this century was that which had produced separation between the Greek and Latin churches; and in discussing and endeavouring to settle this division nearly the whole century was consumed in unsuccessful efforts. Gregory IX. employed the Fran- 14. We pass over the private and minor ciscan monks, especially after the year controversies which arose here and there. 1232, in negociations for peace with the The only one which remains and deserves Greeks, but their efforts were unavailing. notice is, the discussions in France and in Afterwards in the year 1247, Innocent IV. other countries during this century respectsent John of Parma with other Franciscans ing the Lord's Supper. Notwithstanding to negociate with the Greeks; and on the Innocent III. in the Lateran council of other side, the Greek patriarch came in 1215, had placed transubstantiation among person to Rome and was created legate of the public doctrines of the Latin church, the apostolic see. But still several causes yet many had doubts of the validity of this prevented an adjustment of all difficulties. decree, and even maintained that other Under Urban IV. the business was managed opinions were quite probable. Those who more successfully. For Michael Palæolo- approved the Berengarian sentiment, that Sus, as soon as he had expelled the Latins the bread and wine were only symbols of out of Constantinople, in order to establish his empire and secure the friendship of the Roman pontiff, sent ambassadors to Rome declaring his readiness to conclude a peace. But Urban died before the difficult nego-presence, though they might explain the ciations were brought to a conclusion. 3 Under Gregory X. after various discussions in the second council of Lyons A.D. 1274, John Veccus, the patriarch of Constanti 1 The records of the transaction are extant in Wadding's Annales Minorum, tom. ii. p. 279, 296, &c. and in Echard's Scriptores Ordinis Prædicator. tom. 1. P. 103, 911, &c. See also Matthew Paris, Historia Major, p. 386, &c. [The union was prevented by the wellknown principles of the Romish court which had all one aim, namely, to subject the whole world to themselves, or to make all nations tributary to the see of Rome, and thus to enrich themselves at the expense of others. At least the Greek patriarch Germanus, in his letter to the cardinals in the above-cited passage of Matthew Paris, says :-"Destroy the cause of the ancient hostility between the Latins and the Greeks-we have commenced the negociation for peace, and have written to the Pope; let God purge your hearts of all high thoughts that exalt themselves against a fraternal union. The severing of our union proceeds from the tyranny of your oppression and the exactions of the Romish church, which from being a mother has become a stepmother, and is like a rapacious bird that drives away her own young, which tramples upon the lowly in proportion as they are the more prostrate. Therefore let Roman avarice, inveterate as it is, be subdued, and let us proceed to an examination of the truth. You, eager solely for earthly possessions collect together silver and gold from every quarter; and yet you say that you are the disciples of Him who said, Silver and gold have I none.' You make kingdoms tributary to you, you increase your revenues by navigations, your deeds contradict the profession of your lips."-Schl. 2 See Baluze, Miscellanea, tom. vii. p. 370, 388, 393, 397, 497, 498; Wadding's Annales Minor. tom. iii. and iv. p. 37, &c. 3 Wadding, ubi supra, tom. iv. p. 181, 201, 223, 269, 303. the body and blood of Christ, dared not publicly avow and defend their opinions." Yet there were many who deemed it sufficient to maintain what is called the real mode of that presence differently from Innocent. Pre-eminent among these was John, surnamed Pungens-Asinum [the Assgoader], a subtle doctor of Paris, who near the close of the century avowed his preference of consubstantiation before transubstantiation, and yet was not condemned by the doctors there for advancing such an opinion. 4 See Wadding, ubi supra, tom. iv. p. 343, 371, tom. v. p. 9, 29, 62; Colonia, Hist. Littér. de la Ville de Lyon, tome ii. p. 284. Leo Allatius, De Perpetua Consensione Eccles. Orient. et Occident. lib. ii. cap. xv. xvi. p. 727, &c.; Spanheim, De Perpetua Dissensione Græcorum et Latinor. in his Opp. tom. ii. p. 488, &c. and elsewhere. 6 Bulæus, Hist. Acad. Paris. tom. iii. p. 373. 7 Allix, Præfatio ad F. Johannis Determinat. de Sacramento Altaris, Lond. 1686, 8vo. 8 His book was published by Allix [Lond. 1686, 8vo]. See Baluze, Vita Pontif. Avenion. tom. i. 576; D'Achery, Spicilegium, tom. iii. p. 58; Echard's Script. Domini. tom. i. p. 561. [According to Du Pin, Auteurs Ecclésiast. sæcul. xiv. cap. v. John of Paris, surnamed Pungens-Asinum, lived in the early part of the thirteenth century and was a different person from that John of Paris who opposed the papal doctrine of transubstantiation. Neither did this latter John escape censure from the divines of Paris; for in the year 1305 they silenced him, and forbade his either preaching or lecturing on pain of excommunication. He appealed to the Pope then at Bourdeaux, who appointed commissioners to try the case, but before the day of trial John died, on the 15th Jan. 1306. Similar to this are the statements of Cave (Hist. Liter.) and Fabricius, Bibl. Med. et Infi. Latin. lib. ix. p. 322.-Mur. CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF RITES AND CEREMONIES. Robert, the bishop of Liege, in the year 1246 ordered this new festal day, though many were opposed to it, to be celebrated throughout his diocese. After the death of Juliana her friend Eve, another woman of Liege, ceased not from prosecuting the business, till at length Urban IV. in the year 1264 imposed that festival upon the whole church. Yet this pontiff died shortly after signing the decree; so that this festival was not universally observed by the Latin churches until Clement V. in the council of Vienne A.D. 1311, confirmed the edict of Urban. 3 And this festival contributed to establish the people in the doctrine of transubstantiation more than the decree of the Lateran council under Innocent III. 1. Ir would be endless to enumerate all the additions which the pontiff made publicly and the priests and monks privately to the exterior of religion, in order to render it more splendid and imposing. We shall therefore despatch the extensive subject in a few words. Those who directed public worship conceived, that the religion generally embraced in those times was not to be presented solely to the understanding, but also to the eyes and the senses of mankind, that it might make a deeper impression on their minds. Hence at stated times, and particularly on the festivals, they were 3. At the close of the century Boniface accustomed to exhibit the divine works and VIII. added to the public ceremonies of beneficent acts and all the more striking the church the year of jubilee, which is facts in sacred history by signs and em- still celebrated at Rome with great pomp blems, or rather by mimic representations. and splendid preparations. In the year These scenic representations, partly comic 1299 there arose among the people at Rome and partly tragic, though they might gra- a rumour that those who should the next tify the senses and produce some transient year visit the temple of St. Peter would emotions in the soul, were still rather pre- obtain the pardon of all their sins, and that judicial than advantageous to the cause of this privilege was annexed to every hunreligion, and they afforded matter for ridi-dredth year. Boniface ordered inquiry to cule to the more discerning. 2. No one will think it strange that after the establishment of the doctrine of transubstantiation, the consecrated bread of the eucharist should have received divine honours. This having become an established custom, the various ceremonies by which that bread was honoured followed of course. Hence those splendid caskets in which God in the form of bread might reside as in his house, and be carried from place to place; hence lamps and other decorations were added to these reputed domiciles of a present deity; hence this bread was carried in splendid processions along the streets to the sick, and other rites of the like character were introduced. This superstition reached its zenith when the festival of the body of Christ, as it is called, was instituted. One Juliana, a nun who lived at Liege in the Netherlands, gave out she had been divinely instructed it was the pleasure of God that an annual festival should be kept in honour of the holy supper, or rather of the body of Christ as present in the holy supper. Few persons gave credit to her vision.2 But 1 This extravagance in getting up religious shows originated, I suspect, with the Mendicant orders. This fanatical woman declared that as often as she addressed herself to God or to the saints in prayer, she saw the full moon with a small defect or breach in it, and that having long studied to find out the signification of this strange appearance, she was inwardly informed by the Spirit that the moon signified the church, and that the defect or breach was the want of an annual festival in honour of the holy sacrament.-Macl. be made into the truth of this opinion; and he learned from many witnesses of good credit that, according to very ancient ecclesiastical law and usage, all those who devoutly visited St. Peter's church in the course of the years which terminate centuries thereby merited indulgences for a hundred years. The pontiff therefore, in an epistle sent throughout Christendom, decided that in every centennial year all who should confess and lament their sins, and devoutly visit the temple of St. Peter and St. Paul at Rome, should receive plenary abolition of their sins. The succes 3 See Fisen's Origo Prima Festi Corporis Christi er viso Sanctæ Virgini Juliana divinitus oblato, Liege, 1619, 8vo; Daille, De Cultus Religiosi Objecto, p. 287, &c.; Acta Sanctor. Aprilis, tom. I. p. 437, &c. and p. 903; and (one who should have been named first) Benedict XIV. the Roman pontiff, De Festis Christi et Mariæ, lib. i. cap. xii. in his Opp. tom. x. p. 360. 4 Such is the statement of Cajetan, nephew of Boni face VIII. and cardinal of St. George, in his Relatio de Centesimo seu Jubilæo Anno, which is in all the Bibliothecas of the Fathers, and particularly in the Biblioth. Max. Patrum, tom. xxv. p. 267. Nor is there any reason why we should suppose that he misrepre sents facts or that Boniface acted craftily and avariciously in this matter. [But when we consider the ambitious and avaricious character which Boniface manifested in innumerable ways, it is difficult to be lieve that he was so passive a being in this whole transaction, and that he had no other object in view than the furtherance of piety and the continuation of an ancient usage, which he found to be confirmed by the testimony of four aged persons, of whom one was a hundred and seven years old. The belief had long prevailed that Romish indulgences were more efficient Rome in order to obtain remission of sins there than any others; and the pilgrims who travelled to འ་... sors of Boniface adorned this institution | 1278.2 And some of the bishops of both CHAPTER V. HISTORY OF HERESIES. 1. Tue Greeks mention no new sects as originating among them in this century. The oriental sects of the Jacobites and Nestorians, who equally with the Greeks spurned the laws of the Roman church, were repeatedly solicited by pontifical legates of the orders of St. Francis and St. Dominic to put themselves under the dominion of the Roman pontiffs. Innocent IV. endeavoured to annex both those communities to his empire in the year 1246. And Nicolaus IV. offered terms of reconciliation to the Nestorians, and particularly to those inhabiting northern Asia, in the year stood under the immediate protection of the Popes. The writers on the jubilee are enumerated by Fabricius, Bibliog. Antiq. p. 316, &c.; to his list others may be added, and among them especially Charles Chais, a recent author, whose Lettres Historiques et Dogmatiques sur les Jubilés et les Indulgences were published at the Hague, 1751, 3 vols. 8vo. [He was minister of the French church at the Hague. The first volume of the Letters is devoted to the history of the Roman jubilees, traces their origin to the avarice of Boniface VIII. A.D. 1300, points out their resemblance to the Roman secular games, and gives a particular account of each jubilee from their origin in the year 1300 to the year 1750. The second and third volumes are devoted to the subject of Indulgences.-Mur. 2. During the whole of this century the Roman pontiffs were engaged in fierce and bloody conflicts with heretics; that is, with those who taught differently from what the Romish church prescribed to them, and brought under discussion the power and prerogatives of the pontiffs. For the sects of the Cathari, the Waldenses, the Petrobrusians, and many others, spreading themselves over nearly all Europe, and especially in Italy, France, Germany,3 and 2 Raynald, Annales Eccles. tom. xiii. ad ann. 1247, sec. 32, &c. and tom. xv. ad ann. 1303, sec. 22, and 1301, sec. 23; Matth. Paris, Historia Major, p. 372. 3 In Germany they were called Stedingers from a district in ancient Friesland where they were most oppressive slavery of the clergy. These poor people in Spain, collected congregations and threa- | the Inquisitors, performed effectually the tened great danger to the Romish domina- duties assigned them, and purged the protion. New sects were added to the old vinces in which they laboured of numerous ones, differing indeed widely in their heretics, similar papal legates were staopinions, but all agreeing in this, that the tioned in nearly all the cities whose inhabiprevailing religion was false, and that the tants were suspected, notwithstanding the Roman pontiffs most unjustly arrogated people opposed it, and often either expelled to themselves dominion over Christians or massacred the Inquisitors. The counand their religious worship. And not a cil of Toulouse in which Romanus, carfew noblemen listened, with favourable and dinal of St. Angelo, presided as pontifical even eager attention, to the doctrines legate, A.D. 1229, proceeded still farther ; maintained by these classes of persons out for it ordered the establishment of a board of the scriptures against the power, the of Inquisitors in each city, composed of wealth, and the vices of the pontiffs and one clergyman and three laymen. But of the whole clerical order. And hence Gregory IX. altered the institution in the new and extraordinary arms were requi-year 1233, and conferred on the preaching site to overcome and subdue so numerous monks or Dominicans the inquisition for and powerful opponents. heresy in France, and by a formal bull 3. Nowhere was there a greater num-freed the bishops from that duty.3 And ber of heretics of every description than upon this the bishop of Tournay, as papal in Languedoc and the adjacent regions. legate, stationed Peter Cellani and WilFor several persons, and especially Ray- liam Arnuald as the first Inquisitors mund VI. the earl of Toulouse, afforded of heretical pravity at Toulouse; and them protection; and the bishops in those soon after he created similar Inquisitors in provinces were so negligent and remiss in all the cities where the Dominicans had their proceedings against heretics, that convents. From this period we are to they were able to organise and increase date the commencement of the dreadful their congregations without fear. On tribunal of the Inquisition, which in this being apprised of these facts, Innocent and the following centuries subdued such III. sent extraordinary legates into these hosts of heretics, either by forcing them provinces near the beginning of the cen- back into the church, or by committing tury, to correct the faults committed by them to the temporal authorities to be the bishops, and to extirpate the heretics burned. For the Dominicans erected, first by all possible means. These legates were at Toulouse and then at Carcassone and Raynier, a Cistercian monk, and Peter de other places, permanent courts, before Castronovo or Castelnau,' archdeacon of which were arraigned not only heretics and Maguelonne and subsequently too a Cis- those suspected of heresy, but all who tercian monk. To these were afterwards were accused of magic, soothsaying, Judaadded others, the most noted of whom was ism, sorcery, and similar offences. And Dominic, a Spaniard, the well-known foun- these courts were afterwards extended der of the order of preaching monks, who to other countries of Europe, though not returning from Rome in the year 1206 everywhere with equal facility and succonnected himself with these papal legates, cess. and by his preaching and in other ways very strenuously assailed the heretics. Those men acting by authority from the pontiff, and without consulting the bishops or asking their aid, hunted after heretics; and those whom they could not convert by arguments, they caused to be subjected to capital punishments. In common language they were called Inquisitors; and from them that terrible tribunal for heretics called the Inquisition took its rise. 4. As this new class of functionaries, till at last he was put to death by some nobleman near Marpurg. See Harzheim's Concilia German. tom. iii. p. 543, &c.- Schl. 1 Very many of the Romish writers denominate this Peter the first Inquisitor; but in what sense he was so will appear from what we are about to say. See concerning him the Acta Sanctor. tom. 1. Martii, p. 411, &c. 2 See Harduin's Concilia, tom. vii. p. 175. 3 Guido's MS. Chronicle of the Roman pontiffs, in Echard's Script. Prædicator. tom. 1. p. 88; Percin's Conventus Fratr. Prædicator. Toulouse, 1693, 8vo; and order. |