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thrown to wild beasts; for the kind of) death was left by the law to the pleasure of the judge.

3. Yet this law of Trajan was a great restraint upon the priests who wished to oppress the Christians, because few persons were willing to assume the dangerous office of accusers. Under the reign of Adrian, therefore, who succeeded Trajan, A.D. 117, they evaded it by an artifice; for they excited the populace at the seasons of the public shows and games, to demand with united voice from the presidents and magistrates the destruction of the Christians; and these public clamours could not be disregarded without danger of an insurrection. But Serenus Granianus, the proconsul of Asia, made representation to the emperor, that it was inhuman and unjust to immolate men convicted of no crime, at the pleasure of a furious mob. Adrian, therefore, addressed an edict to the presidents of the provinces, forbidding the Christians to be put to death unless accused in due form, and convicted of offence against the laws; i.e. as I apprehend, he reinstated the law of Trajan.3 Perhaps also the Apologies for the Christians presented by Quadratus and Aristides, had an influence on the mind of the emperor. In this reign Bar-Chochebas, a pretended king of the Jews, before he was vanquished by Adrian, committed great outrages on the Christians, because they would not join his standard.

See the Acta martyrii Ignatiani; published by Ruinart, and in the Patres Apostolici, and elsewhere. See above, p. 38, note 3, and Milner's Hist. of the Ch.

cent. ii. chap. i. vol. i. p. 153, Lond. 1827.-Mur.

It was an ancient custom or law of the Romans, of which many examples occur in their history, that the people when assembled at the public games, whether at Rome or in the provinces, might demand what they pleased of the emperor or inagistrates; which demands could not be rejected. This right indeed properly belonged only to Roman citizens, but it was gradually assumed and exercised by others, especially in the larger cities. Hence when assembled at the public games, the populace could demand the destruction of all Christians, or of any individuals of them whom they pleased; and the magistrates dared not utterly refuse these demands.Moreover, the abominable lives and doctrines of certain heretics of this age, brought odium on the whole Christian community; as we are expressly taught by Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. vii. See Mosheim, De Rebus Christ. &c. p. 236.-Mur.

3 See Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. cap. ix. and Baldwin, Ad Edicta Principum in Christianos, p. 73, &c. This edict is also given by Justin Martyr, Apolog. i. sec. 68, 69. It was addressed not only to Minutius Fundanus, the successor of Serenus, but to the other governors of provinces; as we learn from Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. cap. xxvi.- Schl.

4 These Apologies are mentioned by Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. iii. and Jerome, Epist. ad Magnum Orat. Urbis Roma, Opp. tom. iv. pars 2, p. 656, ed. Benedict. and De Viris Illustr. cap. xix. xx.-From this indulgence of the emperor towards the Christians, arose the suspicion that he himself inclined to their religion. Lampridius, Vita Alexandri Severi, cap. xliii.-Schl

5 Justin Martyr, Apolog. il. p. 72, ed. Colon.; Jerome, De Viris Illustr. cap. xxi.-Schl.

4. In the reign of Antoninus Pius, the enemies of the Christians assailed them in a new manner; for, as the Christians by the laws of Adrian were to be convicted of some crime, and some of the presidents would not admit their religion to be a crime, they were accused of impiety or atheism. This calumny was met by Justin Martyr in an Apology presented to the emperor. And the emperor afterwards decreed that the Christians should be treated according to the law of Adrian. A little after. Åsia Minor was visited with earthquakes; and the people regarding the Christians as the cause of their calamities, rushed upon them with every species of violence and outrage. When informed of this, the emperor addressed an edict to the Common Council of Asia, denouncing capital punishment against accusers of the Christians, if they could not convict them of some crime.7

5. Marcus Antoninus, the philosopher, whom most writers extol immoderately for his wisdom and virtue, did not indeed repeal this decree of his father, and the other laws of the preceding emperors; but he listened too much to the enemies of the Christians and especially to the philosophers, who accused them of the most horrid crimes and particularly of impiety, of feasting on the flesh of murdered children, and of incest. Hence no emperor after the reign of Nero, inflicted greater evils and calamities on the Christians than this eminently wise Marcus Antoninus; nor was there any emperor, under whom more Apologies for them were drawn up, of which those by Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Tatian, are still extant.8

6 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xxvi. where Melito tells Marcus Aurelius, that his father (Anton. Pius) wrote to the Larisseans, the Thessalonians, the Athenians, and to all the Greeks, not to molest the Christians.- Schl.

7 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xiii. where the edict is given at length. It may also be seen in Milner, Hist. of the Ch. cent. ii. chap. ii. vol. i. p. 182, &c. where several pious reflections are subjoined. It has been questioned whether this edict was issued by Marcus Aurelius or by his father Antoninus Pius. Vale sius (on Euseb. II. Eccl. lib. iv. cap. xiii.) decides for the former; and Mosheim (De Reb. Christ. &c. p. 240, &c.) is as decisive for the latter. Others have little doubt that the whole edict is a forgery of some early Christian. For this opinion they urge that its language is not such as the pagan emperors uniformly use, but is plainly that of an eulogist of the Christians. See Neander's Allgem. Kirchenges. vol. i. part i. p. 151, &c.-Mur. also the references to several works in support of its [See spuriousness, in Gieseler, Lehrbuch, &c.-Davidson's Trans. vol. i. pages 130, 131.-R.

izes Marcus Antoninus as a well-disposed but superstiMosheim, De Rebus Christ. &c. p. 244, charactertious man, a great scholar, but an indifferent emperor. His persecutions of the Christians arose from his ne gligence of business, his ignorance of the character of Christians and of Christianity, and from his easy crecharacter is also given by Milner, Hist. of the Church, dulity and acquiescence in the wishes of others.-His cent. ii. chap. iv. and very elaborately by Neander, Kir

G. In the first place, this emperor issued unjust edicts against the Christians whom he regarded as vain, obstinate, devoid of understanding, and strangers to virtue; yet the precise import of these edicts is not now known. In the next place, he allowed the judges, when Christians were accused of the crimes already specified by slaves and by the vilest of persons, to put their prisoners to torture; and notwithstanding their most steadfast denial of the charges alleged against them, to inflict on them capital punishments; for, as the laws would not allow the Christians to be executed without a crime, the judges who wished to condemn them had to resort to some method of making them appear to be guilty. Hence under this emperor, not only were several very excellent men most unjustly put to death, among whom were Polycarp, the pious Bishop of Smyrna, and the celebrated philosopher Justin, surnamed Martyr2; but also several Christian churches, especially those of Lyons and Vienne in France, (A.D. 177,) were by his order nearly destroyed and annihilated by a variety of tortures.3

7. Under the reign of Commodus, his son (A.D. 180-192), if we except a few instances of suffering for the renunciation of paganism, no great calamity befel the Christians. But when Severus was placed on the throne near the close of the century, much Christian blood was shed in Africa, Egypt, and other provinces. This is certain from the testimonies of Tertullian,

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chengesch. vol. i. part i. p. 154, &c.—Mur. [Milman devotes an entire chapter to the elucidation of this singular but instructive phenomenon, of the best of the Roman emperors proving the bitterest of the Christians' persecutors. He accounts for it on several grounds different from those assigned by Mosheim in the text. Hist. of Christ. vol. ii p. 159, &c.-R.

1 See Melito, as quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. cap. xxvi.

2 The Acta Martyrii of both Polycarp and Justin Martyr are published by Ruinart, in his Acta martyr. sincera. The former also in the Patres Apostol. The life and martyrdom of Polycarp are the subject of the 5th chapter of Milner's Hist. of the Ch. century ii. vol. i. p. 209, &c. as those of Justin Martyr are of chap. iii. of the same, p. 187, &c.-Mur.

3 See the letter of the Christians at Lyons giving account of this persecution, in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. v. cap. ii.; also in Fox, Book of Martyrs, and in Milner's Hist. of the Ch. cent. ii. chap. vl. vol. 1 p. 223, &c.-Mur. [Most eloquently has Milman epitomised the ancient narratives of the well-attested martyrdoms of Polycarp and of the Viennese Christians. These were scenes which the author of the "Martyr of Antioch" was fully prepared to depict with deep pathos. Hist. of Christ. vol. ii. p 184, &c. and 193, &c.-R. 4 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. v. cap. xxiv. and xvi. xviii. xix.

5 Tertullian, Ad Scapulam, cap. iv. and Apologet. cap. V. which show that Severus himself was, at first, favourable to the Christians. But the same Apologet. cap. XXXV. xlix. vii. xii. xxx. xxxvii. shows that Christians suffered before the enactment of the laws.-Schl.

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Clemens Alexandrinus, and others; and those must mistake the fact who say that the Christians enjoyed peace under Severus, up to the time when he enacted laws exposing them to the loss of life and property, which was in the beginning of the next century; for, as the laws of the emperors were not abrogated, and among these the edicts of Trajan and Marcus Antoninus were most iniquitous; it was in the power of the presidents to persecute the Christians with impunity whenever they pleased These calamities of the Christians near the end of this century, were what induced Tertullian to compose his Apology and some other works."

8. It will appear less unaccountable that so holy a people as the Christians should suffer so much persecution, if it be considered that the patrons of the ancient superstition continually assailed them with their railings and accusations. These reproaches and calumnies of which we have before spoken, are recounted by the writers of the Apologies. The Christians were attacked in a book written expressly against them by Celsus, the philosopher, whom Origen in his confutation of him represents as an Epicurean, but whom we, for substantial reasons, believe to have been a Platonist of the sect of Ammonius. This miserable sophist deals in slander, as Origen's answer to him shows. And he does not so much attack the Christians as play off his wit, which is not distinguished for elegance and refinement. Fronto, the rhetorician, also made some attempts against the Christians; but these have perished with the exception of a bare mention of them by Minutius Felix." To these may

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6 Clemens Alex. Stromat. lib. ii. p. 494.-Schl. [See also the account of the martyrs of Scillita in Africa, A.D. 200, in Ruinart's Acta Martyr.; Baronius, Ann. A.D. 200; and Milner, Hist. of the Ch. vol. i. p. 302.-— Mur.

7 I have expressly treated of this subject in my Diss. de vera atate Apologetici Tertulliani et initio persecu tionis Severi; which is the first essay in my Syntagma Diss. ad hist. eccles. pertinent Vol i, Alton. 1743.

8 See Mosheim's preface to the German translation of Origen's work. Mur. [The learned Dr. Lardner does not think it possible that Celsus could have been of the sect of Ammonius; since the former lived and wrote in the second century, whereas the latter did not flourish before the third. And indeed we have from Origen himself, that he knew of two only of the name of Celsus, one who lived in the time of Nero, and the other in the reign of Adrian, and afterwards. The latter was the philosopher, who wrote against Christianity.-Macl.

9 Minutius Felix, Octavius, p. 266, ed. Herald. [Minucius mentions this calumniator in two passages, namely, cap. x. p. 99, and cap. xxxi. p. 322; in the former of which, he calls him Cirtensis noster; implying, that he was of Cirta, in Africa: in the latter passage, he speaks of him as an orator, indicating what profession he followed. It has been supposed by the learned, and not without reason, that this Fronto was Cornelius Fronto, the rhetorician, who instructed Marcus An

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be added Crescens, a Cynic philosopher, eager to injure them; and in particular did who though he seems to have written no- not cease to persecute Justin Martyr, till thing against the Christians, yet was very he compassed his death.1

general; and they especially assailed the Christian philosophers with their calumnies and accusations. Their chief motive was, not the love of truth, but their own influence and worldly interest; just the same causes which had before moved the pagan priests. This war of the philosophers commenced in the reign of Marcus Antoninus, who was himself addicted to philoto his brother philosophers, and at their instigation, to allow the Christians to be persecuted. See Mosheim, De Reb. Christ. &c. p. 256, &c.-Mur.

tonius in eloquence (and whose works were first published A D. 1816, by Ang. Maio, Frankf.-on-Mayn, in 2 parts). So long as the Christian community was made up of unlearned persons, the philosophers despised them; but when, in the second century, some eminent philosophers became Christians, as Justin, Athenagoras, Pantænus, and others, who retained the name, garb, and mode of living of philosophers, and became teach-sophy. And it is easy to see what induced him to listen ers of youth, and while they gave a philosophical aspect to Christianity, exposed the vanity of the pagan philosophy and the shameless lives of those addicted to it; the pagan philosophers, perceiving their reputations and their interests to be at stake, now joined the populace and the priests in persecuting the Christians in

1 Justin Martyr, Apologia ii. p. 21, ed. Oxon.; Tatian, Orat. contra Græcos, p. 72, ed. Worthii.

PART II.

THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.

THE STATE OF LEARNING AND PHILOSOPHY.

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Rome founded by Adrian, in which all the sciences were taught but especially_jurisprudence; the other at Berytus in Phoenicia, in which jurists were principally educated.3

1. LITERATURE, although it seemed in some measure to recover its former dignity and lustre during the reign of Trajan,' 3. Many philosophers of all the different could not long retain its influence under the sects flourished at this time; but to enumesubsequent emperors, who were indisposed rate them belongs rather to other works to patronize it. The most learned among than to this. The Stoic sect had the honour those Roman sovereigns, Marcus Antoni- of embracing two great men, Marcus Antonus, showed favour only to the philosophers ninus, the emperor, and Epictetus. But and especially to the Stoics; the other arts each of these men had more admirers than and sciences he, like the Stoics, held in con- disciples and followers; nor were the Stoics, tempt. Hence the literary productions of according to history, held in the highest this century, among the Romans, are far in- estimation in this age. There were larger rior to those of the preceding century infe- numbers in the schools of the Platonists; elegance, brilliancy, and good taste. among other reasons because they were less 2. Yet there were men of excellent ge-austere, and their doctrines were more in nius among both Greeks and Romans, who accordance with the popular notions respectwrote well on almost every branch of learn- ing the gods. But no sect appears to have ing then cultivated. Among the Greeks, numbered more adherents than the EpicuPlutarch was particularly eminent. He reans, whose precepts led to an indulgent, was a man of various but ill-digested learn- careless, and voluptuous life." ing; and besides was tainted with the principles of the academics. Rhetoricians, sophists, and grammarians had schools in all the more considerable towns of the Roman empire, in which they pretended to train up youth for public life, by various Many of the philosophers of this age are mentioned by exercises and declamations. But those edu-M. Antoninus, Meditat. or, Ad se ipsum, lib. i. cated in these schools were vain, loquacious, and formed for display, rather than truly eloquent, wise, and competent to transact business. Hence the sober and considerate looked with contempt on the education acquired in the schools of these teachers. There were two public academies; one at

1 Pliny, Epistola, lib. ili. Ep. xviii. pag. 234, 235, ed. Cortli et Longolii.

2 M. Antoninus, Meditationes, or, Ad se ipsum, lib. i. sec. 7, pag. 3, 4; sec. 17, p. 17, ed. Lips.

4. Near the close of this century a new philosophical sect suddenly started up,

3 M. Antoninus, Meditationes, or, Ad se ipsum, lib. i. sec. 7. 10, 17, pag. 4, 7, 16, ed. Lips.

4 Justin Martyr, Dial. cum Trypho. Opp. p. 218, &c.

Crit. Philos. tom. ii. p. 578; and for Epictetus, ibid. p. 568.- Schl. Stäudlin, Gesch. der Moralphilos. p. 265, &c. treats of M. Antoninus; and ibid. p. 260, &c. state of philosophy among the Romans, and especially of Epictetus.-Mur. [Ritter has also treated of the Epictetus and Antoninus. See his Hist. of Ancient It is to be regretted that the Geschichte der Christl. Philo Philosophy, Morrison's Transl. vol. iv. p. 75 to 227. ophie by the same scholar, four volumes of which have been published at Hamburg, has not yet been rendered accessible to the English reader. The last volume comes down to the middle of the fifteenth century, where he closes his survey of the medieval systems of philosophy and theology.-R.

5 Concerning M. Antoninus, sce Brucker's Hist.

6 Lucian, Pseudomantis, Opp. tom. i. p. 768.

phers; and therefore that it was the duty of every wise man, and especially of a Christian teacher, to collect those fragments from all quarters, and to use them for the defence of religion and the confutation of impiety. Yet this selection of opinions did not prevent their regarding Plato as wiser than all others, and as having advanced sentiments concerning God, the soul, and spiritual things, very accordant with the principles of Christianity. 4

which in a short time prevailed over a large suaded that true philosophy, the great and part of the Roman empire, and not only most salutary gift of God, lay in scattered nearly swallowed up the other sects but fragments among all the sects of philosolikewise did immense injury to Christianity.' Egypt was its birth-place and particularly Alexandria, which for a long time had been the seat of literature and every science. Its followers chose to be called Platonics. Yet they did not follow Plato implicitly, but collected from all systems whatever seemed to coincide with their own views. And the ground of their preference for the name of Platonics was, that they conceived Plato had treated more correctly than any of the others, that most important branch of philosophy which treats of God and those things which are placed beyond the cognizance of the senses.

and perhaps made pretensions to Christianity all his life. Being possessed of great fertility of genius as well as eloquence, he

7. This [Eclectic] mode of philosophising received some modification, when Ammonius Saccas at the close of the century, with great applause opened a school at 5. That controversial spirit in philosophy Alexandria, and laid the foundation of that which obliged every one to swear allegiance sect which is called the New Platonic. This to the dogmas of his master, was now dis-man was born and educated a Christian, approved by the more wise. Hence, among lovers of truth and men of moderation, a new class of philosophers had grown up in Egypt, who avoided altercation and a sectarian spirit, and who professed simply to Hyperii Libellum de Catechesi; Aulisius, Delle Scuole follow truth, gathering up whatever was Sacre, lib. ii. cap. i. ii. xxi.; Langemack, Historia Cateaccordant with it in all the philosophic chismorum, par. i. p. 86. See Mosheim, De Reb. Christ. &c. p. 273, &c. Mur. [See Guerike, Comment. de schools. They assumed therefore the name Schola que Alexand. floruit Catechetica Halle, 1824, of Eclectics. But although these philoso- 1825. M. Matter of Strasburg has published a work phers were really the partisans of no sect, valuable, it refers very briefly to the Christian Cateon the Alexandrian school; but, although learned and it appears from a variety of testimonies, chetical school there. It is entitled. Histoire de l'Ecole that they much preferred Plato, and em-d'Alexandrie comparée aux principales écoles contempobraced most of his dogmas concerning God, raines. Paris, 1840-4, 2d edit. 2 vols. 8vo.-R. the human soul, and the universe.2

6. This philosophy was adopted by such of the learned at Alexandria as wished to be accounted Christians, and yet to retain the name, the garb, and the rank of philophers. In particular all those who in this century presided in the schools of the Christians at Alexandria Athenagoras, Pantænus, and Clemens Alexandrinus-are said to have approved of it.3 These men were per

1 See Mosheim's Commentat. de turbata per recentiores Platonicos ecclesia in his Syntagma Diss. ad hist. eccles. pertinent. vol. i. p. 85, &c.; and Brucker's Hist. Crit. Philos. tom. ii. p. 162, &c.-Schl. [And, on the contrary, Keil, Exercitat. xviii. De Doctoribus veleris eccles. culpâ corrupta per Platonicas sententias theologia, liberandis, Lips. 1793-1807, 4to.-Mur.

2 See Brucker's Hist. Crit. Philos. tom. ii. p. 189, &c.- Schl.

3 The title and dignity of philosopher so much delighted those good men that when made presbyters, they would not abandon the philosopher's cloak and dress. See Origen's letter to Eusebius, Opp. tom. i. p. 2, ed. De la Rue; [Justin Martyr, Dial cum Trypho. initium. For proof that Pantenus studied philosophy, see Origen, in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. vi. cap. xix. Jerome, De Scriptor. Illustr. cap. xx. The proficiency of Athenagoras in philosophy, appears from his Apology, and his Essay on the Resurrection. That Clemens Alex. was much addicted to philosophy, is very evident; see his Stromata, passim.- Concerning the Alexandrian Christian school, see Conringius, Antiquitates Academica, p. 29; Schmidt, Diss. prefixed to

4 See Mosheim, De Rebus Christ. ante C. M. p. 276, &c.-Mur.

volved in great obscurity. All that could be gathered 5 The history of the philosopher Ammonius is infrom antiquity respecting him, is given by Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos. tom. ii. p 205. See also Fabricius, Biblioth. Græca, lib. iv. cap. xxvi. Whether Ammonius continued a professed Christian or apostatized, has been much debated. Porphyry, wno studied under Plotinus, a disciple of Ammonius (as quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. vi. cap. xix.) says, he was born of Christian parents, but when he came to mature years embraced the religion of the laws; i.e. the pagan religion. Eusebius taxes Porphyry with falsehood in this; and says that Ammonius continued a Christian till his death, as appears from his books, one of which was on the accordance of Moses with Jesus Christ. Jerome, De Script. Illustr. cap. Iv. says nearly the same. Valesius, Bayle, Basnage, and Mosheim (when he wrote his essay De Ecclesia turbata per recentiores Platonicos), agreed with Eusebius and Jerome. But when he wrote his Commentarii de Reb. Christ. he fell in with the opinion of Fabricius, Brucker, and others (and which is now the general opinion), that Eusebius and Jerome confounded Ammonius the philosopher, with another Ammonius, the reputed author of a harmony of the Gospels and other works; because it can hardly be supposed this enthusiastic admirer of philosophy would have found time or inclination for composing such books. Besides, it is said that Ammonius the philosopher published no books. Still the question remains, what were the religious character and creed of this philosopher in his maturer years? Mosheim thinks it probable that he did not openly renounce Christianity, but endeavoured to accommodate himself to the feelings of all parties; and therefore he was claimed by both pagans and Christians. Hence, if he was a Christian, he was a very inconsistent one and did much injury to its cause. See Mosheim, De Rebus Christ. &e. p. 281.-Mur.

undertook to bring all systems of philosophy pened, that what the ancients taught by and religion into harmony, or attempted to symbols and fictitious stories in the manner teach a philosophy by which all philoso- of the orientals, had been understood literphers and the men of all religions, the ally by the people and the priests; and Christian not excepted, might unite and thus the agents of divine providence, those hold fellowship. And here especially lies demons whom the supreme Lord of all had the difference between this new sect and the placed over the various parts of our world, Eclectic philosophy which had before flou- had erroneously been converted into gods, rished in Egypt; for the Eclectics held that and had been worshipped with many vain there was a mixture of good and bad, true ceremonies; that therefore the public reliand false, in all the systems; and therefore gions of all nations should be corrected by they selected out of all, what appeared to this ancient philosophy; and that it was the them consonant with reason and rejected sole object of Christ to set bounds to the the rest. But Ammonius held that all sects reigning superstition, and correct the errors professed one and the same system of truth, which had crept into religion, but not to with only some difference in the mode of abolish altogether the ancient systems. stating it, and some minute difference in their conceptions; so that by means of suitable explanations, they might with little difficulty be brought into one body. Moreover he held this new and singular principle, that the prevailing religions and the Christian also, must be understood and explained according to this common philosophy of all the sects, and that the fables of the vulgar pagans and their priests, as well as the interpretations of the disciples of Christ, ought to be separated from their respective religions.

9. To these assumptions he added the common doctrines of the Egyptians (among whom he was born and educated), concerning the universe and the Deity as constituting one great whole [Pantheism'], concerning the eternity of the world, the nature of the soul, providence, and the government of this world by demons, and other received doctrines, all of which he considered as true and not to be called in question. For it is most evident that the ancient philosophy of the Egyptians, which they pretended to have learned from Hermes, was the basis of the New Platonic or Ammonian; and the book of Jamblichus, De Mysteriis Egyptiorum, in particular makes this evident. In the next place, with these Egyptian notions he united the Platonic philosophy; which he accomplished with little difficulty, by distorting some of the principles of Plato and putting a false construction on his language. Finally, the dogmas of the other sects he construed, as far as was possible, by artifice, ingenuity, and the aid of allegories, into apparent coincidence with these Egyptian and Platonic principles.

8. The grand object of Ammonius, to bring all sects and religions into harmony, required him to do much violence to the sentiments and opinions of all parties, philosophers, priests, and Christians, and particularly by allegorical interpretations, to remove very many impediments out of his way. The manner in which he prosecuted his object, appears in the writings of his disciples and adherents which have came down to us in great abundance. To make the arduous work more easy, he assumed that philosophy was first produced and nurtured among the people of the East; that it was inculcated among the Egyptians by Hermes, and thence passed to the Greeks; that it was a little obscured and deformed by the disputatious Greeks; but still that by Plato, the best interpreter of the principles of 4 On this principle the whole philosophy of the anHermes and of the ancient oriental sages, it cient Egyptians was founded; and on it Ammonius was preserved for the most part entire and erected his system. The book which goes under the title of Hermetis Trismegisti Sermo de Natura Deorum, uncorrupted; that the religions received by ad Asclepium, which is extant in Latin among the the various nations of the world were not works of Apuleius, the supposed translator, is evidence inconsistent with this most ancient philo-lib. iii. cap. ix, and Mosheim's notes on Cudworth's of this fact. See also Eusebius, Præparatio Evangel. sophy; yet it had most unfortunately hap- Intellectual System, vol. i. p. 404, &c. And the same fundamental principle is assumed by Plotinus, Proclus, Simplicius, Jamblichus, and all the New Platonics. See for example, Porphyry, in his Life of Plotinus, cap. ii. p. 94.- Schl.

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The views of this sect are very clearly expressed by Julian, who was a great devotee of this philosophy, Orat. vi. contra Cynicos, Opp. p. 184.-Schl.

2 This appears from the writings of all his followers, Plotinus, Proclus, Porphyry, Damascius, and others. And the learned, not without reason, conjecture that all the works of Hermes and Zoroaster, which we now have, originated in the schools of these new Platonics. -Schl.

10. To this Egyptiaco-Platonic philosophy, this ingenious man and fanatic joined

i.

3 Jamblichus, De Mysteriis Egyptiorum, lib. 1. cap. i.Schl.

5 The principle of the Ammonian and Egyptian philosophy, that God and the world constitute one indivisible whole, it cost him much labour to reduce to harmony with the system of Plato; who, as we learn from his Timæus, taught the external existence of matter as a substance distinct from God. See Proclus on the Timæus of Plato.-Schl.

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