Religion of India.

stition. The Brahmins teach that the universe is governed by one supreme and intelligent. Ruler, whose divine essence pervades the whole circle of nature, gives motion to the celestial luminaries, and vivifies the animal and vegetable creation. They believe in the immortality of the soul; in future rewards. and punishments; but do not suppose that the body will undergo any resurrection; and they agree so far with the opinion of transmigration, as to believe that the souls of the wicked undergo a sort of purgation after death; and that they, and they only, are afterwards sent to inhabit the bodies of different animals.

Their ancient customs, still religiously adhered to, have induced a system of social order, very different from that of Europe. Their holy book, the Vedas, declares that this division of society was ordained by God, at the creation of the world, and that any violation of its sacred and radical principles would be attended with the greatest misery in this life, and with the most terrible punishment hereafter; a mode of belief which so unites their habits and prejudices with their religion, that it must always operate against their conversion to Christianity. In fact, agreeably to their laws, the Brachmans are ordered to engrave this ordnance on the hearts of the people, and to call forth their reverence for it, by every means in their power that can either engage their interests, or awaken their fears: and so perfect is the conviction of its truth and justice, that there is scarcely an instance of a Hindu degenerating from the religion of his ancestors, except in the very lowest casts or tribes, notwithstanding the repeated attempts of the Catholic missionaries for so many ages.

'Tis true that a great part of society now in India are not all Gentoos; but the Parsees, or worshippers of the sacred fire, are equally bigoted to their own customs and religion; as well as the Moors, or Mahometans, whose abhorrence to pork, and other things connected with European customs, will always ope

rate

Laws and Customs.

rate against their amalgamating with Christian society.

If they are unwilling to be converted, they are equally so to convert others; for they are expressly forbidden by their sacred writing, to admit any person to their religious communion who is not born within its pale; notwithstanding which system of exclusion they are at the same time exhorted, in a strain of the most sublime eloquence, to be hospitable and benevolent to strangers, as well as to friends; and to look with reverence upon all forms of worship as acceptable to the Almighty. Yet such is the perversion of the human intellect, when unassisted by divine revelation, that the altars of this humane religion have often been stained with the blood of human victims.

Their social customs respecting property partake much of the ancient feudal system; for all land is the absolute property of the sovereign, from whom it was portioned out into separate allotments, paying a sixth part of the produce for rent. Still the immediate occupiers of the land are considered as holding it in perpetuity.

Though the law in all cases was, and is, superior to the Prince, yet the Hindus had not the most remote idea of political liberty; and those proud feelings and generous sentiments, out of which it grows, never warmed or agitated their cold and tranquil bosoms, until the principles of British liberty were extended to them: but even that has had little more effect than to gratify their spirit of private litigiousness, thereby affording rich harvests to all the retainers of the law.

These laws and customs, morally speaking, always made India an easy prey to successive conquerors; whilst, even in latter days, politically speaking, their system has been equally weak, and their country not easily defensible; for though the northern states of Hindustan formed a political confederacy, and were all influenced more or less by the same reli

8

gion,

Hostility of Tippoo.

gion, the same laws, and superstitious observances, still they differed in language and manners; and their confederacies were always of short duration.

But the state of politics in India, at the period we now describe, was more serious than usual, as all the efforts of an enterprizing European enemy, in addition to Tippoo's wiles and force, were now directed against us.

Tippoo Sultaun, impelled by his rooted enmity to the British nation, had already dispatched two ambassadors, who embarked at Mangalore for the Isle of France, and arrived at that island towards the close of January 1798. These ambassadors were received publicly and formally by the French government, with every circumstance of distinction and respect : and they were entertained at the public expense during their continuance on the island.

Previous, indeed, to the arrival of the ambassadors in that island, no idea, nor even rumour, existed there of any aid to be furnished to Tippoo by the French, or of any prospect of war between that prince and the company; but, within two days after their arrival, a proclamation was issued by the Governor-General stating, that an embassy had arrived with letters from Tippoo Sultaun addressed not only to the government of the Isle of France, but to the Executive Directory at home, proposing to conclude an offensive and defensive alliance, to subsidize whatever troops France might send to his assistance, and to commence against British India a war for which the Sultaun was described as fully prepared; and stating at the same time that he was waiting with anxiety the moment when the assistance of France should enable him to satisfy his ardent desire of expelling the British nation from that country.

Such a proclamation was no doubt very impolitic, as giving full warning to England of what she might expect, and thereby enabling the Company's servants in India to be upon their guard; for the proclamation soon found its way to Calcutta: but as it concluded

by

Insidious conduct of the Sultaun.

by offering encouragements to the subjects of France to enter into the service of Tippoo Sultaun, on terms to be fixed with his ambassadors then on the spot, it is likely the government thought a full developement necessary to encourage the plan in view of raising

men.

Tippoo Sultaun, therefore, having actually concluded these offensive and defensive engagements with France, then our enemy; having permitted the French troops to land publicly at Mangalore, and having thus collected by their aid a force openly destined to carry those engagements into effect; having also applied to the Directory of France for a more powerful force, destined to the same end; and having also declared that the delay of the meditated blow proceeded from no other cause than his expectation of receiving further aid from the enemy; the Earl of Mornington conceived himself perfectly justified in asserting that the Sultaun had most flagrantly violated the treaties existing between him and the Company, and that he had actually committed an act of direct hostility and aggression against the British government in India.

In addition to this, the Governor-General had received undoubted intelligence that Tippoo had for some time previous been entirely employed in military preparations and perfect conformity with the hostile spirit of his engagements with our inveterate enemy; that the greatest part of his army was in a state of equipment for the field; and that a considerable portion of it was actually encamped under his personal command.

All this, however, was in direct opposition to the communications from Tippoo himself, for he had not then attempted to alledge even the pretext of a grivance on the part of the British government; and even in his letters to Sir John Shore, now Lord Teignmouth, whilst his ambassadors were actually at the Isle of France, nay, dated on the very day on which the French force landed at Mangalore, he de

clared

Preparations for war.

clared that his friendly heart was disposed to pay every regard to truth and justice, and to strengthen the foundations of harmony and concord between the two nations ;" and he concluded with expressing a desire that Sir John would impress Lord Mornington with a sense of the friendship and unanimity so firmly subsisted between the two states. Lord Mornington was fortunately not to be cajoled by these pacific declarations; but considered the act of Tippoo Sultaun's ambassadors, ratified by himself, and followed up by the admission of a French force into his army, as equivalent to a public, unqualified, and unambiguous, declaration of war, he determined on an immediate attack upon his capital, as demanded by the soundest maxims both of justice and policy, and as the best and surest means of frustrating the execution of his unprovoked and unwarrantable projects of ambition and revenge.

The departure of the large force destined for Manilla, it was afterwards ascertained, would have proved a signal to the watchful vengeance of Tippoo to invade the Carnatic, even without waiting for the aid of a French force, the assistance of which did not appear necessary to him during the contemplated absence of such a considerable portion of our army.

The whole proposed plan of operation became, therefore, necessarily changed, and the Madras army, under Lieutenant-General Harris, was concentrated at Vellore, in the Carnatic; but, from the unavoidable delays in providing the necessary equipments for so large a force, it was not in a condition to begin its march before the 11th of February, 1799. The contingent of the Nizam, amounting to about 6000 of the Company's troops, under the command of Colonel Roberts, and subsidized by His Highness, toge ther with the same number of his own native infantry, marched from Hyderabad, under the command of Meer Allum Bahauder, and had arrived at Chittoor, even before General Harris was ready to march from Vellore.