final instructions to Anselm. He was firm in prohibiting investiture, but yielded the point of homage. "We must stoop," he wrote to Anselm, "to raise the fallen; but though in doing so we are bent, and appear to be falling, we do not really lose our uprightness." Anselm felt as strongly about homage as about investiture; but it was his duty to obey, and he prepared to do so. He was long detained in Normandy by a desperate illness, for his health, never strong, was now completely broken by anxiety and hardship, and Henry began to fear that he should after all lose the credit of his reconciliation and reluctant concessions, and should have to bear the odium of having driven a man, whose character and prolonged sufferings had been year after year rousing more and more the sympathy of England and France, to die an exile. A. D. But Anselm recovered, and in the autumn of 1106 returned to 1106 England. A further delay of a year took place before matters were adjusted. Henry was during part of this time in Normandy, where the decisive battle of Tinchebrai placed his brother Robert and his dominions in his power; and later, the presence of Paschal at the Council of Troyes gave the King a new pretext for postponement. At length, on the first three 1107 days of August, 1107, a great council was held in London, where the subjects in question were debated between Henry and the bishops, the Archbishop not being present. A party among the bishops still held out for the old usages, but they were overruled. Henry, in the presence of Anselm, and in a larger assembly to which the commons were admitted, solemnly allowed and ordained that no one should hereafter for ever receive investiture of bishopric or abbey, by ring and crozier, from the King, or any lay hand;" and Anselm agreed not to refuse consecration to bishops or abbots who had done homage to the King for their benefices. So ended Anselm's long battle, just soon enough to give him a short breathingtime before he was called away..

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The struggle ended, Anselm applied himself during the short time that was left him to carry out those great objects which had given importance to the contest-the reformation of the clergy and the protection of the poor: and, to do Henry justice, it must be said that in the latter point, while the

Archbishop lived, he seconded him rigorously. But Anselm's task was now ended. Soon after his return he buried his friend Gundulf, and in little more than a year he followed him. We shall give the account of his last days in the words of one who had shared his sufferings, and who watched by his death-bed -the monk Eadmer.

"During these events" (the final settlement of his dispute with the King) "he wrote a treatise Concerning the Agreement of Foreknowledge, Predestination, and the Grace of God, with Free-will; in which, contrary to his wont, he found difficulty in writing; for, after his illness at Bury St. Edmund's, as long as he was spared to this life, he was weaker in body than before; so that, when moving from place to place, he was from that time carried in a litter, instead of riding on horseback. He was tried also by frequent and sharp sicknesses, so that we scarce dared to promise him life. He however never left off his old way of living, but was always engaged in godly meditations, or holy exhortations, or other good works. In the third year after King Henry had recalled him from his second banishment every kind of food by which nature is sustained became loathsome to him. He used to eat however, putting force upon himself, knowing that he could not live without food; and in this way he somehow or another dragged on life through half a year, gradually sinking day by day in body, though in vigour of mind he was still the same as he used to be. So, being strong in spirit, though but very feeble in the flesh, he could not go to his oratory on foot; but from his strong desire to attend the consecration of our Lord's Body, which he venerated with a special feeling of devotion, he caused himself to be carried thither every day in a chair. We who attended on him tried to prevail on him to desist, because it fatigued him so much; but we succeeded, and that with difficulty, only four days before he died.

"From that time he took to his bed; and, with gasping breath, continued to exhort all who had the privilege of drawing near him to live to God, each in his own order. Palm Sunday had dawned, and we, as usual, were sitting round him: one of us said to him, 'Lord Father, we are given to understand that you are going to leave the world for your Lord's Easter Court.' He answered, 'If His will be so, I shall gladly obey His will. But if He will rather that I should yet remain among you, at least till I shall have solved a question which I am turning in my mind, about the origin of the soul, I should receive it thankfully, for I know not whether any one will finish it when I am gone. I trust that, if I could take food, I might yet get well. For I feel no pain anywhere; only a general sinking,

from weakness of my stomach, which cannot take food.'

"On the following Tuesday, towards evening, he was no longer able to speak intelligibly. Ralph, bishop of Rochester, asked him to bestow his absolution and blessing on us who were present, and on his other children, and also on the King and Queen, with their children, and the people of the land who had kept themselves under God in his obedience. He raised his

right hand, as if he was suffering nothing, and made the sign of the holy cross, and then drooped his head and sunk down.

"The congregation of the brethren were already chanting matins in the great church, when one of those who watched about our Father took the book of the Gospels, and read before him the history of the Passion, which was to be read that day at the mass. But when he came to our Lord's words, 'Ye are they which have continued with Me in My temptations; and I appoint unto you a kingdom, as My Father hath appointed unto Me, that ye may eat and drink at My table,' he began to draw his breath more slowly. We saw that he was just going: so he was removed from his bed, and laid upon sackcloth and ashes. And thus, the whole family of his children being collected round him, he gave up his last breath into the hands of his Creator, and slept in peace.

"He passed away, as morning was breaking, on the Wednesday before A. D. the day of our Lord's Supper, the 21st of April, in the year of our Lord's 1109 Incarnation 1109, the sixteenth of his pontificate, and seventy-sixth of his life." 1

MARGARET AND MALCOLM CANMORE.

A.D. 1080-1093.

(From "History of Normandy and England," by SIR F. PALGRave.)

1080 THE Sources of Scottish history are . . . buted, and comprehend diverse classes. . . .

unequally distri

Eye-witnesses, ear-witnesses, who lived in Malcolm Canmore's court, Bishops and Prelates enthroned and installed in the Sanctuaries where Malcolm and his descendants knelt, Writers, addressing their compositions to Malcolm's children, furnish us with the main evidences concerning the era in which the Scottish Monarchy began to acquire consistency and form, when her Sovereigns first assumed their position in the Imperial commonwealth of Western Christendom.

1 Besides labouring unweariedly for the outward improvement and prosperity of the Church, Anselm wrote many metaphysical and theological works, and was indeed the founder or forerunner of the system of theology afterwards known as Scholasticism; which, assuming the dogmas of the Church, sought first to explain, and then to prove, their accordance with reason.-E. M. S.

The facts relating to the earlier periods are deduced from national chronicles, attested, like the Scripture histories, by the genealogies they commemorate or include: brief, uncouth, Celtic, bearing in their barbarous and quaint physiology or archaic dialect the stamp of authenticity, the annals of the Monasteries, the poems chanted by the Bard before the Scottish King: proceeding downwards, the writers appertaining to a more cultivated and familiar class, whose very diversities confirm their general veracity.

Where chroniclers fail, we possess documents in some respects more authentic than any narrative which Monk or Canon can afford: deeds and charters whereunto the Scottish kings and the Scottish nobility and baronage have set their seals, the muniments by which they hold or grant their regalities, and honours, and lands; traditions, of which the general impress is so true as to compensate for the poetical form assumed by the myth, and correct the fable's imagery; lastly, customs, usages, and practices, vigorous and subsisting until our own generation, and not to be entirely obliterated until the last starving Highlanders shall have found a transatlantic refuge or a transatlantic grave.

England became fully and finally incorporated into one realm under her new (Norman) dynasty; one King, one Kingdom, one Church, one Law. Scotland, sometimes called the sister, but more truly the daughter, kingdom, was created by and through the recoil of the Norman invasion. AngloSaxon England, expanding into Anglo-Norman England, preserved her identity. The Anglo-Saxon language, laws, institutions, maintain, as they grow, develop, and expand, their undeviating succession; but, in Scotland, the neighbouring realm's catastrophe displaced and dislocated every primitive stratum. Yet not merely by one explosion. The new formation resulted from continued and steady English influence, penetrating, dispersive, metamorphic, which in process of time produced its full effect, changing and altering the whole frame of society.

Can any realm be found offering such paradoxes as Scotland? Results apparently so contradictory to their causes; all the effects of conquest without a Conqueror. Caledonia,

unsubdued by foreign enemies, yet vanquished by foreign influence.1 Scotland, her speech more Anglo-Saxon than English England. Scotland, more feudal in tenure than feudal Normandy. Scotland, peopled by the most mixed multitude, yet in the hour of peril united by the strongest national feeling. Scotland, the dependent of the Anglo-Norman crown, and nevertheless protecting the Anglo-Saxon line, and transmitting that line to England. Scotland, so generous and affectionate to all, except to Scotia's sons. Scotland, so justly proud of her aristocracy, but claiming her proudest ancestry from the stranger. Whence come Scotland's noblest names ?-Bruce and Balliol, Comyn and Gordon, Douglas and Campbell, Sinclair and Sutherland, Colville and Umphraville, Soulis and Somerville, Lindesay and Morville, Morley and Fraser, Beaton and Seaton, Hay and Barclay, Keith and Oliphant, Ker and Huntley, the patriot Wallace and the royal Stuart-whose legends give poetry to Scotland's streams, and dignity to Scotland's towers, whose deeds deck her annals, whose cry resounded in the battle, whose banners led on to victory? Are we not compelled to deduce their lineages from a British, a French, a Flemish, a Norsk, a Saxon, or an English forefather? from England, or from the invaders, colonists, or occupants of England?...

The history of medieval Scotland. . . is really and truly the most important portion of the history of the living "AngloSaxon" race. Wherever dispersed, it is in Scotland that the "Anglo-Saxons," or those who call themselves so, will find the origin of the "Anglo-Saxon" doctrine, "that a civilized people, inhabiting any country, has a right to dispossess barbarians of their land, if residing on it or in their neighbourhood, because such people do no good to themselves or to others." Such is the new Anglo-Saxon version of the angelic message, "On earth peace, good will towards men." All nations and people, races and tribes, who are incapable of receiving the lessons of AngloSaxon civilization, are to be extinguished before its march, to melt before its blaze. . . .

1 William Lisle, one of the earliest English students of Anglo-Saxon, explains that he obtained the key thereto by the study of Bishop Gavin Douglas's Virgil.-C. M. Y.