and received the royal assent the same day, the 29th of July, 1803. The one for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, the other for enabling the Lord Lieutenant, with the advice of the Chancellor, to try persons by martial law. The Chancellor of the Exchequor, in the debate on those measures, in the House of Commons, spoke of the attempted insurrection of the 23rd, as a violent and malignant rebellion then existing in Ireland." Mr. Windham said it was difficult for the house to decide what it ought to do, as no information of the state of the country had been laid before the house. Its capital might be in a few hours in possession of the rebels, and the government there might be overturned.

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Mr. Sheridan said it was of the utmost importance that the capital should not be in, or supposed to be, likely to fall into the hands of insurgents; and, therefore, he thought the promulgation of such opinions would be giving encouragement to rebellion, and treason, in every part of the United Kingdom. Lord Castlereagh said, it had been insinuated that Dublin had been within an ace of falling into the hands of the rebels, he was sure that no information had reached this country which at all afforded any foundation for such an assertion. From what he himself knew on this subject he could state with confidence, that the danger had been greatly exaggerated. It had been attempted to be stated that government was taken completely by surprise, that they had not any adequate means of preparation against the insurgents. He begged leave to contradict this assertion in the strongest terms, government was aware several days before the atrocious crime, which had given rise to the present deliberation, was perpetrated, that some convulsion was in contemplation, and their measures of precaution had corresponded to what they conceived would be the magnitude of the danger. The Chancellor of the Exchequor eulogized the conduct of Mr. Sheridan, he had covered himself with immortal glory, and had secured to himself a name in history which would never perish.

Mr. Windham expressed a hope that the honourable gentleman, Mr. Sheridan, would not be backward in supporting those who were so profuse in their expression of their favourable opinions. Mr. Sheridan said he was influenced solely by the love of his country-a country which in his soul and

conscience he believed contained the best, wisest, and happiest community in the universe."

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In the discussion of the National Defence Amendment Bill, on the 4th of August, 1803, Mr. Sheridan made a violent speech in defence of the ministry, and the war party in the house, which was replied to by Mr. Windham, who said, that The honourable gentleman seemed to be actuated with all the zeal of a new convert, or rather he conducted himself with all the precipitancy of a raw recruit, for he had no sooner fallen into the ranks, (Mr. Sheridan sat on the Treasury Bench,) than he fired off his musket without waiting for the word of command; as the honourable gentleman, however, began, he must not be surprised to find his fire returned. After years of war, in which he and they had possessed opposite principles, and held opposite language to those of the majority of the country, they now wheeled suddenly about, and claimed great merit for doing their duty. After years of war, in which the honourable gentleman had by his orations almost set the four quarters of the world on fire, he now came and said, 'I am the only man that can save you-I will, with my little bucket, my thimble full of water, extinguish this mighty conflagration.' Mr. Sheridan said, "The Right Hon. Gentleman had accused him of the precipitancy of a raw recruit, but the Right Hon. Gentleman was so eager to return the fire, that he forgot to put a bullet into his piece, for he merely heard the report, but felt nothing."

Colonel Hutchinson, on the 11th of August, moved an address to his Majesty, praying to have information laid before the house concerning the late rebellion. He said,-" In order to make the Union take deep root amongst them, there should be no distinction known between Irishmen and Englishmen."

It had been remarked 1782, by Lord Auckland, now a noble peer, "that the British parliament might as soon attempt to make the river Thames flow over Highgate-hill, as to make Ireland have a parliament of their own. He abhorred the idea of government having recourse to shedding of blood, to prevent such unhappy rebellions in Ireland. There were many grievances to redress. It was insulting to be told we had the power of redressing those grievances. The last act of power of the government had been likewise held an impossibility."

Sir William Elliott said, that with respect to the late insurrection, "the government had received intimation from many quarters in Ireland, and from gentlemen of his own particular acquaintance, that a rebellious conspiracy was going forward, to which communication they paid no attention."

Lord Castlereagh defended the conduct of government, in the suppression of the rebellion of 1798, as well as that of the insurrection of 1803. With respect to the former,

NEVER WAS THERE A REBELLION OF SUCH EXTENT PUT DOWN WITH SO

MUCH PROMPTITUDE, or so little DEPARTURE FROM CLEMENCY ! !” Mr. Robert Williams said, he had been seven years an Aidde-camp in that country, and never knew an instance of the guards having been doubled, but on the evening of the 23rd of July; they had doubled all the guards, and had a powerful garrison under arms. "The Irish government was not taken by surprise."

"Lord Temple denied that the rebellion in Ireland could in any respect be considered as a religious rebellion, or as a rebellion of the cottage against the palace. If the attack lately made in Dublin by rebels there, was made by surprise on the government, ministers deserved to be impeached,* for not being aware of, or not having known it; and if they had known it, he would ask, why the rebels were allowed, even for an hour, to be in arms?"

On the 2nd of December, Mr. Secretary York brought in a bill for continuing the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. He said, that notwithstanding what one of the leaders of the conspiracy said at his death, his Majesty had proof that the Irish rebels were connected with their traitorous countrymen in France, if not directly with the rulers of France themselves. These traitors in the confidence of the French government, came over to Ireland for the very purpose of stirring up insurrection. They calculated upon the renewal of hostilities between this country and France. Mr. C. H.

* This doctrine is the most absurd one imaginable. The government was to be punished for the supposed secrecy of the plans of the conspirators. This was the doctrine, however, of the members of the opposition; but not one word was said about impeaching the ministry for the wickedness of conniving at the discovered plans of those conspirators, and thus suffering innocent people to be inveigled into them.

Hutchinson made a long speech against the measure, and voted for it.

The 5th of December, on the second reading of the Irish Martial Law bill, Mr. Secretary York, in reply to Mr. Elliott's objections to the introduction of the bill in the absence of information, shewing the necessity of it, said,-"The Irish government were not taken by surprise and unprepared, on the 23rd of July, as it had been suggested. There was a garrison of four regiments of foot, besides the 16th Dragoons, in Dublin, a force sufficient to crush an insurrection ten times more formidable than that of the 23rd of July. The march of the rebels was only from their head-quarters in Dirty-lane to Cutpurse-row. The affair did not last an hour. The peace establishment of Ireland was then 25,000 regulars.

Colonel Crawford said he disagreed with the Right Hon. Secretary, that the affair was only a contemptible riot, that all proper precautions had been taken, and that the government was aware of the intended insurrection; if so, how did it happen, that on that day the Viceroy went as usual to his country house, where the Lord Chancellor dined with him. It was evident Lord Kilwarden had no knowledge of it, or he would not have exposed himself as he had done. He, Colonel Crawford, was informed, that such was the miserable state of preparation, that the regular troops had only three cartridges each, and the yeomanry could get none at all; and that ten men out of every company in the garrison, had been allowed that day to go into the country to look for work.

Mr. W. Poole said, there were sixty rounds of ball-cartridges on the 23rd of July for every man, in the Castle, and in the Depot in the Phoenix Park, three millions of ball-cartridges ready to be given out on the first alarm. This, he stated, from his own official knowledge of the subject.

Mr. Windham said, the contradictory account of the insurrection given by ministers, was like the answer of a student of the College, when asked whether the sun revolved round the earth, or the earth round the sun, said, sometimes one and sometimes the other. If the Lord Lieutenant had any knowledge of the intended insurrection, would he have left town that night? It was not communicated to the Lord Mayor, nor to the Commander of the Forces. He would vote, however, for the measure.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that instructions had been given early on the day before the disturbance took place, and to all the necessary officers. If the Lord Lieutenant had not gone to his country house, the city of Dublin might have been put into a state of alarm.

On the 7th of March, 1804, Sir John Wrottesby moved for the appointment of inquiry into the conduct of his Majesty's government, on the 23rd of July last. Sir John, among various proofs of the remissness of government, brought forward the circumstance of the Viceroy having been, at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 23rd of July, guarded by one officer and twelve men; at seven o'clock, by thirty men ; and at eleven at night, by having fifteen hundred horse and foot under arms. Lord Castlereagh said, Emmet was only backed by about eighty rebels. The government knew an insurrection would break out on the 23rd July, but not before it was dark, (this was utterly at variance with what his lordship stated on a previous debate). With respect to the men being without ammunition, it was his duty to state, that General Fox, the Commander-in-chief, had ordered sixty rounds to be issued to each man some days before; and if they had not that store of cartridges with them, it certainly was not the fault of General Fox.

Mr. Secretary York stated, he imputed no blame to General Fox. The principle on which his brother was directed to act was, that of trusting as little as possible to the rumours and accusations circulated against each other by the parties which distracted Ireland. In justice, however, to his brother, he stated, that long before the 23rd of July, 1803, he had expressed his opinion to the government of the expediency of repealing the Habeas Corpus Act.

Mr. Fox said, an honourable relation of his (Admiral Berkely) gave notice of a motion concerning the recall from Ireland of General Fox, which, however, he afterwards declined bringing forward, having stated, that it was not the wish of that officer to have any inquiry entered into concerning him, if a declaration were made on the part of his Majesty's government, that his conduct was approved of. Such a declaration has been made, and made in a manner, which to him is satisfactory. If infamy or blame, therefore, rest in any quarter, it does not rest with him: he stands clear of it, by