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tions, however meager and discouraging. To me he has given many sound lessons of advice. Let me see you do that again,' has been his language of reprehension when condemning some particular habit or fault.

“Mr. Emmet's appearance and manners are plain and simple in the extreme. His dress is wholly unstudied. Everything, however, shows the utmost delicacy of feeling. Modest, unassuming, unobtrusive, and perfectly polite, he would alone attract the attention of a stranger by that amiable temper and obliging disposition that manifested themselves on all occasions.

“In his private character, the object of this memoir is without a blemish. Generous, humane, obliging, and strictly honest, a heart open, frank, and ardent. Upright in all his dealings; rigid and austere in his habits, temperate and rational in all his enjoyments ; liberal and free from prejudice upon every subject, kind and affectionate as a husband, a father, and a friend, anxious to do good and diminish evil. Such a man is Mr. Emmet."

Emmet had little correspondence with his friends in Ireland from the time of his departure from Fort George. His communications were confined to three or four individuals, and had very little reference to political matters. The following extracts from some of his letters will be read with interest. It is only to be regretted that so few documents or papers of his are in existence, or available for the purpose of drawing up a memoir of this kind.

Emmets correspondence with Mr. Rufus King (alluded to in Mr. Haines's memoir), in which the characteristics of his mind are exhibited in a clearer light than in any other of his letters which have fallen under the author's observations will be found preceding his other letters.

The following communication from Rufus King, when American Minister to the Court of London, to one of the Irish state prisoners, will explain the severity of Emmet's letter to him.

" BRIGHTON, August 23rd, 1799. "Sir,—I ought to inform you, that I really have no authority to give or refuse permission to you or any other foreigner to go to the United States, the admission and residence of

strangers in that country being a matter that, by a late law,* exclusively belongs to the President. It is true that the government of this country, in the course of the last year, in consequence of my interference, gave me assurance that a particular description of persons in Ireland, who it was understood were going to the United States, should not be allowed to proceed without our consent ; this restraint would doubtless be withdrawn in favour of individuals against whose emigration I should not object, and I conclude that it is upon this supposition that you have taken the trouble to communicate to me your desire to go and reside in the United States. Without presuming to form an opinion on the subject of the late disturbances in Ireland, I entertain a distinct one in relation to the political situation of my own country. In common with others, we have felt the influence of the changes in France, and unfortunately a portion of our inbabitants has erroneously supposed that our civil and political institutions, as well as our national policy, might be improved by a close imitation of France. This opinion, the propagation of which was made the duty and became the chief employment of the French agents residing amongst us, created a more considerable division among our people, and required a greater watchfulness and activity from the government, than could beforehand have been apprehended.

I am sorry to make the remark, and shall stand in need of your candour in doing so, that a large proportion of the emigrants from Ireland, and especially in the middle States, has, upon this occasion, arranged themselves on the side of the malcontents. I ought to except from this remark most of the enlightened and well-educated Irishmen who reside among us, and with a few exceptions, I might confine it to the indigent and illiterate, who, entertaining an attachment to freedom, are unable to appreciate those salutary restraints without which, it degenerates into anarchy. It would be injustice to say that the Irish emigrants are more national than those of other countries, yet being a numerous, though very minor portion of our population, they are capable, from causes it is needless now to explain, of being generally brought to act in concert, and, under artful leaders, may be, as they have been, enlisted in mischievous combinations agains our government. This view leads me

* The Alien Law.

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to state to you without reserve, the hesitation that I have felt in your case, on the one hand we cannot object to the acquisition of inhabitants from abroad, possessing capital and skill in a branch of business that, with due caution, may without risk or difficulty, and with public as well as private advantage, be established among us, but on the other hand, if the opinions of such inhabitants are likely to throw them into the class of malcontents, their fortune, skill, and consequent influence would make them ten fold more dangerous, and they might become a disadvantage instead of a benefit to our country. You must be sensible that I possess no sufficient means of forming an opinion respecting your sentiments, but the motives which led me to interfere with your Government to restrain the emigration of the persons above alluded to, oblige me to observe a due caution on the present occasion, at the same time, I desire not to act with illiberality, and should be unwilling to bring upon my country the slightest imputation of inhospitality, What Mr. Wilson* has written, so far as it goes is satisfactory, and on the whole, I have concluded, after this unreserved communication, which I hope will be received with the same candor as it is made, to inform you, authorizing you to make use of the information, that I witdraw every objection that may be supposed to stand in the way of your being permitted to go to the United States, adding only that you may carry

with

you an imbiassed mind, may find the state of the country, as I believe you will

, favorable to your views of business, and its government deserving your attachment.

I must beg your excuse for the great delay which has occurred in sending you this answer, which, I assure you, has risen from other causes than the want of due respect to your letters.

With great consideration,
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,

RUFUS KING.

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“Sir,-From certain paragraphs in the Evening Post, I apprehended that it may become necessary for me to obtrude myself on the public. As in that event I should wish to derive

* The American Consul in Dublin,

strangers in that country being a matter that, by a late law,* exclusively belongs to the President. It is true that the government of this country, in the course of the last year, in consequence of my interference, gave me assurance that a particular description of persons in Ireland, who it was understood were going to the United States, should not be allowed to proceed without our consent ; this restraint would doubtless be withdrawn in favour of individuals against whose emigration I should not object, and I conclude that it is upon this supposition that you have taken the trouble to communicate to me your desire to go and reside in the United States. Without presuming to form an opinion on the subject of the late disturbances in Ireland, I entertain a distinct one in relation to the political situation of my own country. In common with others, we have felt the influence of the changes in France, and unfortunately a portion of our inhabitants has erroneously supposed that our civil and political institutions, as well as our national policy, might be improved by a close imitation of France. This opinion, the propagation of which was made the duty and became the chief employment of the French agents residing amongst us, created a more considerable division among our people, and required a greater watchfulness and activity from the government, than could beforehand have been apprehended.

I am sorry to make the remark, and shall stand in need of your candour in doing so, that a large proportion of the emigrants from Ireland, and especially in the middle States, has, upon this occasion, arranged themselves on the side of the malcontents. I ought to except from this remark most of the enlightened and well-educated Irishmen who reside among us, and with a few exceptions, I might confine it to the indigent and illiterate, who, entertaining an attachment to freedom, are unable to appreciate those salutary restraints without which, it degenerates into anarchy. It would be injustice to say that the Irish emigrants are more national than those of other countries, yet being a numerous, though very minor portion of our population, they are capable, from causes it is needless now to explain, of being generally brought to act in concert, and, under artful leaders, may be, as they have been, enlisted in mischievous combinations agains our government. This view leads me

* The Alien Law,

to state to you without reserve, the hesitation that I have felt in your case, on the one hand we cannot object to the acquisition of inhabitants from abroad, possessing capital and skill in a branch of business that, with due caution, may without risk or difficulty, and with public as well as private advantage, be established among us, but on the other hand, if the opinions of such inhabitants are likely to throw them into the class of malcontents, their fortune, skill, and consequent influence would make them ten fold more dangerous, and they might become a disadvantage instead of a benefit to our country. You must be sensible that I possess no sufficient means of forming an opinion respecting your sentiments, but the motives which led me to interfere with your Government to restrain the emigration of the persons above alluded to, oblige me to observe a due caution on the present occasion, at the same time, I desire not to act with illiberality, and should be unwilling to bring upon my country the slightest imputation of inhospitality, What Mr. Wilson* has written, so far as it goes is satisfactory, and on the whole, I have concluded, after this unreserved communication, which I hope will be received with the same candor as it is made, to inform you, authorizing you to make use of the information, that I witdraw every objection that may be supposed to stand in the way of your being permitted to go to the United States, adding only that you may carry with you an imbiassed mind, may find the state of the country, as I believe you will

, favorable to your views of business, and its government deserving your attachment.

I must beg your excuse for the great delay which has occurred in sending you this answer, which, I assure you, has risen from other causes than the want of due respect to your letters.

With great consideration,
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,

RUFUS KING.

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“Sir,-From certain paragraphs in the Evening Post, I apprehended that it may become necessary for me to obtrude myself on the public. As in that event I should wish to derive

* The American Consul in Dublin.

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