anxiety of transmitting the substance of the Consul's answer to me, you will see how much discretion is necessary with respect to the foregoing parts of this letter.

"You will no doubt, be rejoiced to hear that the First Consul himself has taken the trouble of dictating the device for your colours. They are to be green in the centre; a tricoloured circle, with R. I.* The legend on the colours is to be, L'independence de l'Ireland-Liberté de Conscience.' You are also aware that your uniform is somewhat changed, on the demand of M'Sheehy; the amaranth is exploded, and yellow, the second national colour, substituted in its place."

Copy of the First Consul's answer to my Memoire of 13th Nivoze, delivered to me 27th Nivoze :—

"The First Consul has read with the most particular attention the memorial addressed to him by Mr. Emmet on the 13th Nivoze.

"He wishes that the United Irishmen should be fully convinced that it is his intention to ensure the independence of Ireland, and to give full and effective protection to all of them that will take part in the expedition, or that will unite with the French forces.

The French government can issue no proclamation until a landing shall have been made on the Irish territory. But the general who is to command the expedition, will be furnished with sealed letters by which the First Consul will declare that he will make no peace with England, without stipulating for the independence of Ireland upon condition, however, that the army shall have been joined by a considerable body of United Irishmen.

Ireland shall be treated in every thing just as America was treated in the late war.

Every person who will embark with the French army destined for the expedition, will be commissioned as a Frenchman, and if he be arrested and not treated as a prisoner of war, reprisals will be made upon the English prisoners.

Every corps formed in the name of the United Irishmen, shall be considered as forming a part of the French army. In fine, should the expedition be unsuccessful and the Irish be * Republique Irlandaise,

obliged to return to France, France will maintain a certain number of Irish brigades, and will grant pensions to every person that shall have formed one of the government or authority of the country.

The pensions shall be assimilated to those granted in France to titular officers of corresponding ranks or employments, who are not on active service.

The First Consul desires that a committee be formed of the United Irishmen. He sees nothing improper in having the members of this committee issue proclamations to inform their countrymen of the state of affairs.

These proclamations shall be inserted in the Argus and in the various European Journals, in order that the Irish may be enlightened upon the course they are to pursue, and the hopes they are to entertain.

If the committee will make a recapitulation of the acts of tyranny perpetrated upon Ireland by the English government, the same shall be inserted in the Moniteur

It was in consequence of this answer from the First Consul, and under the full conviction that an invasion of Ireland was shortly to take place, that Dr. Macneven wrote a proclamation, which was found among his papers, from which the following passages are extracted:

"Friends and Countrymen-The hour of your emancipation is at length arrived. We announce to you allies and arms, which will enable you to throw off the English yoke. An auxiliary force of thousand of those illustrious warriors, who have repeatedly triumphed over our enemies, with arms to equip thousand Irishmen, as valiant as even those warriors. These are the ample means that are offered to you for redressing the wrongs, and asserting the independence of your country. United brethren, who have maintained, even in servitude, the dignity of freemen, by gallant, though unsuccessful, struggle, against the tyranny of George III., we do not at this day presume to inflame your valour. Could courage alone give independence to your country, you would long since have made it free; but, when virtue was unavailing to break its fetters, it was, at least, preserved, by your magnanimous daring, from dishonour. Placed in the dreadful alternative of

resigning yourselves to despotism, or contending with its power, you proved to the world that the most intolerable evil to Irishmen is slavery.

"A consolatory task awaits you now, you will meet the foe with advantage equal to his own. On the ruins of what he acquired by oppression, rapine, and bloodshed, you will establish the happiness of millions, and you will rescue from provincial degradation the exalted character of your country.

"Cited to the field by your wrongs and by your sufferings, by the forlorn exile of your friends, and by the unexpiated murder of your relations; with the sword of liberty in your hands, and the spirit of independence in your hearts, what can your enemies avail against your sacred cause and ardent enthusiasm. Another effort of national energy, made in conjunction with our victorious allies, will annihilate a calamitous domination, and establish for ever the glory and welfare of Ireland.

"Countrymen of all descriptions! where has England triumphed that ye have not bled for her victory; where is she famed that you partake not of her renown? The French army comes with positive orders to act as an auxiliary force to the Irish nation, its government; but what is stronger than every other pledge, you are called on, countrymen ! to embody, without delay, an Irish army, under the command of Irish officers, who shall be commissioned by the Irish government, and thus to take into your own hands your fate, your honour, and your country."

The sincerity of the First Consul as to this expedition seems not to have been doubted by Mr. Emmet until about the month of April following. What may have taken place I have no means of ascertaining, but from that period, he seems to have given up all expectation of assistance.

Under date of April 19, 1804, he writes as follows :—

"MY DEAR MACNEVEN,-By your's of the 6th, as well as by one of Sweeney's which came to-day, I find that my postscript to Mrs. G.'s letter has led you all into a very great mistake. I certainly never said, nor did I mean to insinuate, that any offer had been made to me. I had reason to conclude from two different quarters that something was in con

templation, and therefore I wished to anticipate the necessity of deciding by asking your advice beforehand, but, so far from any offer, if I were to draw any conclusion from continued, I must say, marked and obstinate silence, I should say none was ever intended.

You may remember, I once mentioned, that you would probably meet a General at Morlaix; why you did not, will, perhaps, one day become in our own country matter of investigation, but the person to whom I alluded has since requested me to make some applications, which I have done, but without receiving an answer. I enclosed MacSheehey's memorial, on the subject of your being considered as French citizens, to the minister on Saturday last, with a very civil note, requesting an interview, in order to take his instructions, but no answer as yet.

"Under all those circumstances, I am not so foolish as to flatter myself with any very sanguine expectations. I adhere to my original plan of going to America, and do not think it probable that anything will occur to prevent me. Suppose, however, an offer should be made, I do not entirely agree with you. If I do not exceedingly alter my opinion, I will not accept either of the situations you have advised, and for reasons, that, with your knowledge of my politics, you can be at no loss to guess. I am an Irishman, and, until necessity forces me to contract ties of allegiance elsewhere, I will hold no situation that is not Irish, or obviously directed to the emancipation of that country.

"If I am to contract a new allegiance, and to undertake civil duties not connected with my native land, let not the latter part of my political life be at variance with its beginning. What, then, can I accept? Nothing but what is Irish in all its objects, and, if nothing of that kind can be found or created, I am too old, too poor, and too heavily laden, to await the issue of reiterated procrastinations. You will judge, then, what chance there is of my wintering in Europe.

"Since I began this letter, I have learned that the minister at war has set off for the camp at St. Omer, and will not, probably, be back for some time. As he did not anwer my note that accompanied General MacSheehey's memorial, I presume I am to take no steps in that affair till his return, my instructions being, that I should act under his directions."

Saturday, May 12, 1804. "MY DEAR MACNEVEN,-I yesterday received a letter from Sweeney, enclosing a half sheet from you; I mean to answer both, but I put off writing to Sweeney till I can tell him all his commissions are executed. In the meantime, your half sheet would afford matter for more than one very long letter, if I could unbosom myself, and express all I think and feel on certain subjects. As to your idea, that there is no fear but that Sweeney's and the other commissions of the same date, will be confirmed, I hope you are right, and my hopes are stronger than when I wrote to him, but still I am very far from having any apprehensions.

"The very day after I sent in my remonstrance against the famous paragraph in the Argus, I received an invitation to dinner with Augerau, for the next day but one or two. As it was still undecided whether I should have any further connection with the government or not, I thought it right to accept the invitation, and went. It was a parade dinner, O'C., Truguet, Donzelot, &c. &c., and I certainly experienced every attention and civility. In the course of the evening, Donzelot, with whom I had before had some conversations on business, requested me to call on him again, before he left town, to continue the conversations. I told him of the remonstrance I had just given in, and of the intention it expressed of withdrawing from all connection with government if I were not satisfied on the subject, but assured him, that, if I were satisfied, I would not fail to call and give him every information in my power. I was never satisfied, and I never called. The same circumstance prevented me from consulting General Augerau, with whose reception of me I had every reason to be satisfied: Even the civilities necessary for keeping up a personal acquaintance might be considered as putting in for a confidence I affected to renounce, and, as I knew that my personal acquaintance was solicited on political grounds, I felt that the former was rendered unnecessary by my declining to act on the latter, if ever the opportunity occurred. I own I should be sorry Augerau knew this, that he might not attribute to ill manners a conduct that proceeded from very different motives. Now, however, my determination not to interfere further in French and Irish politics combined, whatever explanations, offers, or