acceded to its substance; but made the absurd and | posed to our rights. Soldiers! the imperial throne illegal demand, that his Royal Highness should engage to insist on the restitution of the crown-jewels, which the king had taken from Paris:

"Count Grouchy,―The ordinance of the king, dated March 6, and the declaration, signed by his ministers on the 13th, at Vienna, might authorise me to treat the Duke of Angouleme as that ordinance and that declation proposed to treat me and my family; but, adhering to the views which induced me to order that the members of the Bourbon family should be permitted to leave France without molestation, my intention is, that you should give orders for conducting the Duke of Angouleme to Cette, where he shall be embarked, and that you watch over his safety and protect him from all bad treatment. You will merely take care to recover the money which has been removed from the public chests, and to require the Duke of Angouleme to engage himself to procure the restitution of the crowndiamonds, which are the property of the nation. You will also make known to him the enactments of the laws of the national assemblies, which are renewed, and which apply to the members of the family of Bourbon who may enter the French territory. You will, in my name, thank the national guards for the patriotism and zeal which they have manifested, and the attachment which they have shewn to me in these important

only can secure the rights of the people, and, above all, the first of our interests-our glory. Soldiers! we are now to march to drive from our territories these princes, auxiliaries to strangers: the nation will not only second us in our protestations, but will follow our impulse. The French people and I calculate upon you. We will not interfere with the concerns of foreign nations, but woe to those who shall interfere with ours!"

It is particularly worthy of notice, that, in this address, the Corsican artfully attributes his success to the love of the people, and represents his soldiers merely as auxiliaries. A few days afterwards, this was thus noticed in the Moniteur." When Napoleon set foot on the territory of France, by whom was he followed? By a handful of faithful soldiers. His name alone was an army. To whom did he first present himself? To the old companions of his glory, to the regiments of the line, to armed bands?-No! but to the cultivators of the land,-to the inhabitants, who flocked from all parts to throw themselves on his march,—to the municipalities,-to the public functionaries,—to the united population of every age and sex, which pressed around him. This population was permitted to count his feeble band to approach his person, to listen to his discourse, to ascertain the object of his enterprise, and the means which he possessed; and it was from these people that the first cries of Vive L'Empereur!' proceeded. He was acknowledged by the people before he met a single But we must now return to the transactions at Paris. soldier. The historian will record this truth. He will The day after his return to the Thuilleries, Buonaparte mark it as the distinctive character of the present revoordered all the soldiers to assemble in the Place du Ca-lution, and the true cause and explanation of a success rousel. He was received by them with the most enthu- without opposition." siastic acclamations; and, having passed through the ranks, and noticed every individual whose person he recognised, he formed them into a square, and addressed them as follows:

circumstances.

(Signed)

"NAPOLEON."

"Soldiers! I landed in France with only six hundred men, because I calculated upon the affection of my people, and on the remembrance of my veteran troops. I was not deceived in my expectation. Soldiers! I thank you. Glory like that which we are about to acquire is every thing to the nation, and to you! My glory is, that I have known and esteemed you!

"Soldiers! the throne of the Bourbons was illegitimate, because it was raised by the hands of strangers; because it was 'proscribed by the voice of the people declared in all our national assemblies; because, in a word, it offered a guarantee only to the interests of a few individuals, whose arrogant pretensions were op

It was certainly true that the deluded peasants were too well disposed to welcome the return of the tyrant; but it is equally true, that, from the shore of Cannes, where the first crowd of spectators assembled, to Grenoble, where the disaffection of the troops ensured the success of the invader's enterprise, the population which crowded upon him, contained no public functionary, no minister of religion, and but a very small number of proprietors. The crowd consisted of the lowest classes of society, who are generally pleased with every change, and to whose opinion little conse quence can be attached.

As Buonaparte was concluding his address, Genera. Cambronne, and the officers of the battalion from the Isle of Elba, appeared, with the ancient eagles of the guard. Napoleon observed them, and said to the soldiers

"These are the officers of the battalion that have

"The emperor is called to guarantee anew, by fresh institutions, for which he has pledged himself in his proclamations to the army, and to the nation, all the liberal principles, individual liberty, and the equality of rights, the liberty of the press, the abolition of the censorship, the freedom of worship, the voting of taxes Disconcerted by this unexpected resistance, the offi- and laws by the representatives of the nation freely cers permitted him to pass, and he was introduced to elected, the inviolability of national property of every the presence of Napoleon. origin, the independence and irremovability of the tri"Why," fiercely demanded the Corsican," have you bunals, the responsibility of the ministers, and of all disobeyed my orders ?"

*For the more effectual preservation of the rights | a fraction of the people could dispose of the crown, that and obligations of the people and of the monarch, the would soon happen to us, which happened to the Ronational institutions shall be viewed in a grand assem- man people, after the reign of the first emperor; we bly of the representatives, already announced by the should have for chiefs none but soldiers; and the emperor." reigning family would be murdered, as soon as it ceased to be agreeable to the satellites by whom it was surrounded."

To this address Buonaparte replied, "Princes are the first citizens of the state. Their authority is more or less extended, according to the interests of the nations whom they govern. The sovereignty itself is only hereditary, because the welfare of the people requires it. Departing from this principle, I know no legitimacy.

"I have renounced the idea of the grand empire, of which during fifteen years I had but founded the basis. Henceforth the happiness and the consolidation of the French empire shall occupy all my thoughts."

This paragraph gave great offence to the army. To be stigmatized with the title of satellites was more than they could bear. "It is an inexcusable term of contempt," said some of the officers to Napoleon, at the public levee. "They are the defenders of the nation." Buonaparte, thus appealed to, commanded that the publication should be seized, and the editors summoned before the tribunal. He soon perceived, however, that he had adopted this measure at an improper time; and the following remarkable paragraph appeared in the Moniteur of the next morning.

"The fifth volume of the Censor was yesterday permitted to be sold, without making any alteration in the text. By this judicious measure of government, the

To this assertion the editor boldly replied, through the medium of the public prints, in the following terms:

Is this the language of him, who but a twelvemonth before had said to the legislative assembly, "I am the throne; the nation is mine, and the representation of the people is vested in me." Had he learned such useful lessons in the school of adversity, that he was re-author has lost the interest of being thought a victim, ally transformed into a patriotic prince, recognising the a certain speculator the profit of a surreptitious edition, rights of the nation, and only desiring to reign by their and the work all the charms of a prohibited book." will, and for their felicity? No, no; unchanged in principle and disposition, he only assumed this appearance for the moment; anxious by flattery and promises to re-seat himself firmly on the throne of France, that, at a convenient opportunity, he might again trample on "The journals have announced that the fifth volume the liberties of an infatuated people, and lead his ruf- of the Censor had been seized; but that, on mature fian armies to new scenes of slaughter and desolation. deliberation, the authorities had allowed it to be exIntelligence was now received from Vienna, that posed to sale. It is true, that this volume has been Maria Louisa had formally renounced the title of Em-seized by the police, but it is false that it has been press; and, to give an unequivocal proof that she was finally disunited from her husband, had laid aside the green livery of Buonaparte's family, and had appeared in public in the livery of Parma. This was a fatal contradiction to the falsehoods which had been disse

minated respecting her return, and afforded the most incontrovertible proof, that the Emperor of Austria was decidedly hostile to the cause of his abandoned son-inlaw.

restored. They will neither give it up, nor prosecute it before the tribunals, although the editors have intreated to be replaced in the possession of their property, or to be brought to trial.

"You will be pleased to give no credit to what the journals may assert, either of the work or of its authors, because the liberty of the press exists no longer. "I have the honour to be, &c.

"CH. COMPTE. "P.S. We beg you to give this letter the greatest pos

A detailed account of the affair was subsequently given in a pamphlet by the authors of the Censor, some extracts from which may be agreeable to the reader:

A few days after his public entry into Paris, Buonaparte removed all the restrictions which the mini-sible publicity." sters of Louis had laid on the liberty of the press, and dismissed the censors, to whom every pamphlet, and every article in all the journals, was submitted previous to its publication. But, whilst the people of France considered this measure as the most decisive proof, that Napoleon had abandoned all ideas of despotic power, the editors of a publication called "Le Censeur," were brought before the tribunals for having published the following libel on the French army. "If

After describing the efforts which they had made to awaken the Bourbons to a discovery of the false policy by which they were gradually alienating the affections of the people, and the zeal with which they had afterwards espoused the cause of the falling government, in

"Fouché.-Gentlemen! you have rendered consider able services to France, and you have it in your power to render still greater, at a moment when it is attempted to secure the triumph of the tiers etat against the privileged. But the emperor will not act as the late government did. The latter took pleasure in debasing those men who defended liberal ideas; the emperor, on the contrary, wishes only to reward them. He has desired me to ask what will be most agreeable to you. "Compte.-Sir! we are sensible of the marks of at-paring for publication, M. Mehée called upon me. 'Do

ance of despair. Holding his head between his hands, | each other. Come with me to the minister, and we will and traversing the room with rapid strides, he uttered endeavour to arrange this business. nothing but monosyllables or disjointed phrases.

66

Compte.-I cannot go there, sir!

"The Prefect. Yet, the minister is attached to li

66

"O! gentlemen!-what have you done? No-never could I have thought it of you. Robespierre-berty. Marat would not have done such a thing,-Good God! at a moment when France is besieged by eight hundred thousand enemies!

"Compte.—Mr. Prefect, will you have the goodness to hear me? The volume which you have caused to be seized contains either errors or crimes. If it contains only errors, you have eight or ten journals at your command, who may easily refute them; if it contains crimes, you ought not to speak to us with asperity, you ought to bring us to trial.

"The Prefect. No, never could I have expected it from you-I, who would have answered for you as for my own son-0, sir! what you have done is abomipable!!

"Compte.-I repeat what I have said, Mr. Prefect. If we have reasoned badly, we may be refuted-if we are guilty, we ought to be punished. Do not, however, imagine that I am the dupe of what has taken place. The minister of police thought to seduce us by his praises, and the offers which he made; he was deceived. If he supposes that his menaces will have any greater effect, he will still find himself deceived. He may make the experiment, if he pleases. But, before trying it, I must inform you, that, under the last reign, we were menaced with assassination by fanatics, and we derided their threats and their daggers; I now tell you that we equally deride the bayonets and the scaffolds of Buonaparte.

Compte.-Yes, but it is liberty after the manner of M. Fouché, and I really do not admire it.

"The Prefect. Very well; I shall go there alone then. Do you be here this evening, at five o'clock.

"At the appointed time, I repaired to the prefecture of the police, when the discourse turned chiefly upon some suppressions that were to be made in the new volume. I consented to sacrifice a few passages, upon the express condition that the public should be made acquainted with the seizure and the suppressions. This condition seemed to displease; but I persisted in demanding it, because we would not co-operate in deluding the public by falsely persuading them that they enjoyed the liberty of the press. As the prefect had directed the seizure of the volume by the order of the minister, and, as he had not himself read it, it was settled that I should go next morning to M. Pwith M. L-, to determine upon what passages should be suppressed. But, not being acquainted with M. P, I thought, after a little reflection, that it would be better to forego this interview. All hope of conciliation being thus at an end, they hastened to announce in the journals that the volume which had been seized was restored to us. This declaration was contradicted, first of all by a hand-bill, and afterwards by a circular, which the police did not seize. At length they gave us our volume, when they saw that it was no longer possible to impose upon the public. I ought to add, that,

“ The Prefect.—Ah! I see it plainly. You wish for during our discussions, the prefect repeatedly offered martyrdom, but you will not obtain it.

"Compte. So much the worse, Mr. Prefect. "The Prefect. You bear, M. Mehée; you hear him ask for martyrdom!

"Compte.-No, I do not seek it; neither would I

fear it.

"The Prefect.-Ah! what have you done? And what will they say at Ghent? To attack the proceedings of government at the very juncture when it is necessary every one should rally round it.

"Compte.-There is no other means now of rallying Frenchmen round the government, except by sincerely designing to do good, and by acting with frankness. Since the arrival of Napoleon, however, not an act has been determined upon but what is contrary to good sense, and tending evidently to its destruction. It has been justly asserted that the government advises only with its enemies.

"The Prefect.-Perhaps we may yet understand

us an indemnity for the loss we had sustained."

Anxious to acquire popularity in the critical situation of his affairs, Buonaparte thought proper to put a termination to the slave-trade, which, by the treaty with Louis, was to have continued five years; and the following decree was accordingly passed for its abolition:

66 IMPERIAL DECREE FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVETRADE.

"NAPOLEON, Emperor of the French. We have decreed, and do decree, as follows: "Article I. From the date of the publication of the present decree, the trade in negroes is abolished. No expedition shall be allowed for this commerce, either in the ports of France, or in those of our colonies.

“2. There shall not be introduced to be sold in our colonies any negro the produce of this trade, whether French or foreign.