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"3. Any infraction of this decree shall be punished with the confiscation of the ship and cargo, which shall be pronounced by our courts and tribunals.

"4. However, the ship-owners who, before the publication of the present decree, shall have fitted out expeditions for the trade, may sell the product in our colonies.

“5. Our ministers are charged with the execution of the present decree.

"NAPOLEON.

"By the emperor, the minister secretary of state,
"The Duke of BASSANO."

Another decree contained several regulations calculated to relieve the oppressions occasioned by the droits reunis. These, next to the conscription, were the greatest grievances imposed upon the people by Buonaparte's late government, and the promise of the abolition of both was the grand boon by which the Bourbons obtained popularity on their re-entrance into France. It has already been stated, however, that the pledge for the abolition of the droits reunis was imprudently given, and could not be redeemed; and, notwithstanding the resistance of the people, this odious tax continued to be levied. Napoleon was therefore furnished with an opportunity of gaining much credit, by the early attention which he seemed to pay to the interests of the people.

as to the best methods of primary education;-he shall examine and decide on those methods, and direct the experiment of such as shall appear preferable.

"2. There shall be opened at Paris an experimental school of primary education, so organized as to serve for a model, and to become a normal school to form primary teachers.

"3. After satisfactory results shall have been obtained from this school, our minister of the interior shall propose to us the measures calculated to enable all the departments to enjoy the advantages of the new methods which shall have been adopted."

But, whilst Napoleon was thus endeavouring to acquire the esteem of the nation by these popular acts, it was sufficiently obvious to those who had an opportunity of observing him, that he was in himself completely miserable. Notwithstanding the acclamations of the populace, the homage of the constituted authorities, the servility of his favourites, and the insane attachment of the army, he was abstracted and restless. His conduct in the council was evidently restrained; his natural loquacity had forsaken him; and he only appeared confident when surrounded by his troops. He was often detected shedding in secret tears of rage and vexation, and the sighs which escaped him proved the grief of his mind. His pride was tortured by the thought that the confederated sovereigns disdained even to notice his overtures of peace; and it was with unspeakable anguish that he contrasted the contempt with which they now treated him, with the affection which some of them had once expressed, and the humility with which others had acknowledged themselves indebted to him for the possession of their crowns.

A short time afterwards, Carnot addressed a memorial to Buonaparte, descanting on the advantages of elementary instruction, when bestowed on the lower classes of society, and stating that there were in France two millions of children destitute of primary education. "I do not speak," says he, " of that education which forms half-philosophers, or men of the world, but such only as will form good artisans and moral men, by communicating the elements of indispensable know-proaching contest. ledge, good habits, and respect for the laws." He concludes his memorial with a just eulogium on Dr. Bell and Mr. Lancaster, whose system he wishes to be adopted in France.

Napoleon immediately issued the following decree:

"NAPOLEON, Emperor of the French, &c. "Considering the importance of education for improving the state of society,-considering that the methods hitherto adopted in France have not attained that degree of perfection which it is possible to reach, and desiring to place this branch of our institutions on a level with the intelligence of the age, we have decreed, and do decree, as follows:

"Article 1. Our minister of the interior shall invite around him the persons who deserve to be consulted,

Notwithstanding his personal feelings, however, he continued the most vigorous preparations for the apEvery effort was made to increase the number of his regular troops, and the following energetic proclamation was addressed to the army:—

"Soldiers! you earnestly wished for your emperor. He is arrived. You have supported him with all your efforts. Rally with all possible despatch around your standards, that you may be ready to defend your country against enemies who are desirous of regulating our national colours, imposing sovereigns upon us, and dictating our constitutions. Under these circumstances, it is the duty of every Frenchman, already accustomed to war, to join the imperial standard. Let us present a frontier of brass to our enemies, and prove to them that we are always the same.

"Soldiers !—Whether you have obtained unlimited or limited furloughs, or whether you have received

your discharge, if your wounds are healed, and you | raised at the heads of the bridges ;-every mountain are in a state fit to serve, come and join the army! To was surmounted by a battery, and the din of warlike this you are invited by honour, your country, and your preparation resounded from the northern boundaries to entperor! the Mediterranean.

"With what reproaches would you not have cause to overwhelm me, were our fine country again to be ravaged by those soldiers whom you so often vanquished, and were the foreigner to invade and obliterate France from the map of Europe.

(Signed)

On his first landing in France, Buonaparte had promised to give the French a constitution consonant with their wishes, and' favourable to their liberties. He accordingly appointed a commission to draw up the form of a constitution to be submitted to the choice of the "The Prince of ECKMUHL." nation. But, after the members of that commission had occupied themselves some time on this important subject, it occurred to them, that Napoleon's promise would be best fulfilled if the plan of the constitution did not emanate from any commission formed by himself, but that the electoral colleges should nominate one person from each department to prepare the outline of the constitutional charter. To this proposal Buonaparte assented, and measures were ordered to be taken accordingly. But, in the mean time, his situation became more critical every day. The allies were already advanc ing on all sides, and, long before these commissioners could have been appointed, and the necessary documents transmitted to the departments, hostilities would certainly have begun; and had these commenced before France had any settled government, the greatest confusion would have ensued, and the resources for carrying on the war could not have been provided but with the utmost difficulty. The Corsican therefore determined, in opposition to the advice of many of his friends, to offer to the acceptance of the nation, a constitution neither digested by the first commissioners, nor by those who were to have been appointed by the departments, but principally drawn up by himself.

The national guards were now ordered to be embodied, and distributed among the different fortresses of France. Three thousand one hundred and thirty battalions, each consisting of seven hundred and twenty men, were commanded to be equipped for immediate service, making a total of two millions two hundred and fiftyfive thousand and forty soldiers. Had Buonaparte been able to have called this immense body into action, and to have instilled a sufficient portion of enthusiasm into their ranks, he might have bid defiance to all his enemies. Fortunately, however, for the welfare of Europe, many of these were attached to their legitimate prince, and, consequently, rendered little or no service to the cause of the usurper. In some of the departments the guards peremptorily refused to be embodied; in others, they would not march beyond their native province; and in many places when they were forced to march, they found means to desert at every turning, and, before the battalion had proceeded many leagues from their own department, every soldier had disappeared. In fact, scarcely a tenth part of the number ordered to be embodied were ever enrolled.

The old troops of the line, however, crowded to the standard of Buonaparte, and a numerous army was numerous army was soon placed at his disposal, with which he hoped, by some brilliant action at the commencement of the contest, either to disconcert or disunite the allies.

Great numbers of workmen were now employed in fortifying the heights of Montmartre, Chaumont, and Mesnil-Montant, in the vicinity of Paris; though this measure was strongly opposed by Carnot, as calculated to alarm and disgust the citizens. Orders were also issued for inspecting and completing the fortifications of all the garrison-towns. Laon, Soissons, Saint-Quentin, Lafère, Guise, Vitry, Langres, and Chateau Thierry, were placed in a respectable state of defence. Chalons, Dijons, Rheims, the Vosges, Jura, and Argonne, already strong by nature, were rendered almost impregnable. Many hundred workmen were daily employed in the fortifications of Lyons, and no effort was spared to oppose every obstacle to the progress of the allies. Every defile was strictly guarded;-fortifications were

The adoption of this resolution excited great discontent, as exactly resembling the arbitrary measures which had distinguished the usurper's former administration. It was a violation of the most solemn promise. It was not a constitution framed by the people: on the contrary, they were not permitted either to alter or modify a single article, but were confined to the approval or rejection of the whole.

The enemies of Louis had imputed to him as a crime, that he had given a constitution to the French, and not accepted it from them; yet the object of their idolatry, after having acknowledged that to the people alone belonged the right of choosing their own charter, adopted the conduct of the former government, and gave his subjects a constitution in his turn "The French," says an interesting writer, "had imagined that the Champ de Mai would have been convoked for some other purpose, than to examine a list of votes, and that the representatives of a great nation would there have exercised the privilege of discussing with the sovereign

the rights, and privileges, and welfare of their consti- | combine the highest degree of political liberty and intuents."

dividual security, with the force and centralization necessary for causing the independence of the French people to be respected by foreigners, and necessary to the dignity of our crown. In consequence, the following articles, forming an act supplementary to the constitutions of the empire, shall be submitted to the free and solemn acceptance of all citizens throughout the whole extent of France."

The important document now brought forward was unaccountably termed “ An Additional Act to the Constitutions of the Empire." Although, by the various articles of this act, the objectionable part of Buonaparte's former despotic government was either removed or rendered ineffectual, yet he appeared to assume, as the basis of his present charter, those very constitutions of which the French had so loudly and so justly complained. This gave considerable offence, and the very name of the "Additional Act," when he had pledged himself to give a new constitution to the nation, alien-larly the constitutional act of the 22d Frimaire, year 8; ated the affections of thousands who had hitherto been attached to his cause. That the reader may form a clear idea of this famous act, we shall insert it at length:

ACT ADDITIONAL TO THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE EMPIRE.

"NAPOLEON, by the grace of God and the Constitutions, Emperor of the French, to all present and to come, greeting.

TITLE I.

"Art. 1. The constitutions of the empire, particu

the senatus consulta of the 14 and 16 Thermidor, year 10; and of the 28 Floreal, year 12, shall be modified by the arrangements which follow. All other arrangements are confirmed and maintained.

"2. The legislative power is exercised by the emperor and two chambers.

"3. The first chamber, called the chamber of peers is hereditary.'

"4. The emperor appoints its members, who are irrevocable, they and their male descendants, from one eldest son to another. The number of peers is unli

object, the dignity of the peerage. Peers take their seats at twenty-one years of age, but have no deliberate voice till twenty-five.

"5. The arch-chancellor of the empire is president of the chamber of peers, or, in certain cases, a member of the chamber specially designated by the emperor.

"6. The members of the Imperial family, in hereditary order, are peers of right. They take their seats at eighteen years of age, but have no deliberate voice till twenty-one.

"7. The second chamber, called that of representatives, is elected by the people.

"Since we were called, fifteen years ago, to the government of the state by the wishes of France, we endeavoured, at various times, to improve the constitu-mited. Adoption does not transmit, to him who is its tional forms, according to the wants and desires of the nation, and profiting by the lessons of experience. The constitutions of the empire were thus formed of a series of acts which were sanctioned by the acceptance of the people. It was then our object to organize a grand federative European system, which we had adopted as conformable to the spirit of the age, and favourable to the progress of civilization. In order to complete this, and to give it all the extent and stability of which it was susceptible, we postponed the establishment of many internal institutions more particularly destined to protect the liberty of the citizens. Henceforward our only object is to increase the prosperity of France, by the confirmation of public liberty. From this results the necessity of various important modifications of the constitutions, the senatus consulta, and other acts which govern the empire. For these causes, wishing, on the one hand, to retain of the past what was good and salutary, and on the other, to render the constitutions of our empire in every thing conformable to the national wishes and wants, as well as to the state of peace which we desire to maintain with Europe, we have resolved to propose to the people a series of arrangements tending to modify and improve its constitutional acts, to strengthen the rights of citizens by every guarantee, to give the representative system its whole extension, to invest the intermediate bodies with the desirable respectability and power,-in a word, to

"8. Its members are six hundred and twenty-nine in number. They must be twenty-five years old at least.

"9. Their president is appointed by the chamber, at the opening of the first session. He retains his function till the renewal of the chamber. His nomination is submitted to the approbation of the emperor.

"10. This chamber verifies the powers of its members, and pronounces on the validity of contested elections.

"11. Its members receive for travelling expenses, and during the session, the pay appointed by the constituent assembly.

"12. They are indefinitely re-eligible.

"13. The chamber of representatives is entirely renewed every five years.

"14. No member of either chamber can be arrested, I except for some capital crime; nor prosecuted in any criminal or correctional matter during a session, but in virtue of a resolution of the chamber of which he forms a part.

“15. None can be arrested or detained for debt, from the date or convocation of the session, or for forty days afterwards.

"16. In criminal or correctional matters, peers are judged by their own chamber, according to prescribed

forms.

"17. The office of peer and representative is compatible with all other public functions, except those of matters of account; prefect and sub-prefects are, however, ineligible.

"18. The emperor sends to the chambers ministers and counsellors of state, who sit there to take part in the debates, but have no deliberative voice unless they are peers or elected by the people.

“19. Thus ministers, the members of either chamber, or sitting there by mission from government, give to the chambers such information as is deemed necessary, when its publicity does not compromise the interest of the state.

"26. No written discourse, excepting reports of committees, or of ministers on laws, and accounts, can be read in either chamber."

TITLE II OF ELECTORAL COLLEGES, and the mode of

ELECTION.

"27. The electoral colleges of departments and arrondissements are maintained, with the following modifications.

"28. The cantonal assemblies will annually fill up all the vacancies in electoral colleges by elections.

"29. Dating from 1814, a member of the chamber of peers appointed by the emperor shall be president for life, and irremoveable, of every electoral college of department.

"30. Dating from the same period, the electoral college of each department shall appoint, among the members of every college of arrondissement, the president and two vice-presidents. For that purpose, the meeting of the departmental college shall precede that of the college of arrondissement by a fortnight.

"31. The colleges of department and arrondissement shall appoint the number of representatives fixed for each in the table adjoined.

"20. The sittings of the two chambers are public. "32. The representatives may be chosen indiscrimiThey may, however, go into secret committees, the nately from the whole extent of France. Every college peers on the demand of ten, and the representatives of department or arrondissement which shall choose a on the demand of twenty-five members. Government member out of its bounds, shall appoint a supplemay also require secret committees, when it has com-mentary member, who must be taken from the departmunications to make. In all other cases, deliberation ment or arrondissement. and vote can only be in public sitting.

"21. The emperor may prorogue, adjourn, and dissolve the chamber of representatives. The proclamation which pronounces the dissolution convokes the electoral colleges for a new election; and fixes the meeting of representatives within six months at the furthest.

"22. During the recess of sessions of the chamber of representatives, or in case of its dissolution, the chamber of peers cannot meet.

"33. Manufacturing and commercial industry and property shall have 'special representatives. The election of commercial and manufacturing representatives shall be made by the electoral college of department, from a list of eligible persons, drawn up by the chambers of commerce and the consultative chambers. united."

TITLE III.-OF TAXATION.

"34. General direct taxes, whether on land or move"23. The proposal of laws originates with the go-ables, are voted only for one year: indirect taxes may vernment; the chambers can propose amendments; if be voted for several years. In case of the dissolution these amendments are not adopted by government, the of the chamber of representatives, the taxes voted in chambers are bound to vote on the law, such as it was the preceding session are continued till the next meetproposed. ing of the chamber.

"24. The chambers have the power of inviting government to propose a law on a determinate object, and to draw up what it appears to them proper to insert in the law. This claim may be made by either chamber..

"25. When a bill is adopted in either chamber, it is carried to the other; and, if there approved, it is carried to the emperor.

"35. No tax, direct or indirect, in money or kind, can be levied, no loan contracted, no inscription in the great book of the public debt can be made, no domain alienated or sold, no levy of men for the army ordered, no portion of territory exchanged, but in virtue of a law.

"36. No proposition of tax, loan, or levy of men, can be made but to the chamber of representatives.

"37. Before the same chamber must be laid, in the first instance, the general budget of the state, containing a view of the receipts, and the proposal of the funds assigned for the year, to each department of service; also the account of the receipts and expenses of the year, or of preceding years."

TITLE IV. OF MINISTERS, AND OF RESPONSIBILITY.

"38. All the acts of government must be countersigned by a minister in office.

39. The ministers are responsible for acts of government signed by them, as well as for the execution of the laws.

"40. They may be accused by the chamber of representatives, and tried by that of peers.

"41. Every minister, and every commandant of armed force by land or sea, may be accused by the chamber of representatives, and tried by that of peers, for having compromised the safety or honour of the nation.

“42. The chamber of peers, in that case, exercises a discretional power, either in classing the offence or mitigating the punishment.

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"43. Before placing a minister in accusation, the chamber of representatives must declare that there is ground for examining the charge.

"44. This declaration can only be made on the report of a committee of sixty, drawn by lot. This committee must make its report in ten days, or sooner, after its nomination.

"45. When the chamber declares there is ground for inquiry, it may call the minister before them to demand explanations, at least within ten days after the report of the committee.

TITLE V.-OF THE JUDICIAL POWER.

"51. The emperor appoints all judges. They are irremoveable, and for life, from the moment of their appointment; but the nomination of justices of peace and judges of commerce shall take place as formerly. The existing judges, appointed by the emperor, in terms of the senatus consultum of the 12th October, 1807, and whom he shall think proper to retain, shall receive provisions for life before the 1st January next. "52. The institution of juries is maintained.

❝53.. The discussions on criminal trials shall be public.

"54. Military offences alone shall be tried by military tribunals.

"55. All other offences, even those committed by military men, are within the jurisdiction of civil tribunals.

"56. All the crimes and offences which were appropriated for trial to the high Imperial court, and of which this act does not reserve the trial to the chamber of peers, shall be brought before the ordinary tribunals.

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57. The emperor has the right of pardon, even in correctional cases, and of granting amnesties. "58. Interpretations of laws demanded by the court of cassation shall be given in the form of a law."

TITLE V.-OF THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENS.

❝59. All Frenchmen are equal in the eye of the law, whether for contribution to taxes and public burdens, or for admission to civil or military employments.

"60. No one, under any pretext, can be withdrawn from the judges assigned to him by law.

"61. No one can be prosecuted, arrested, detained, or exiled, but in cases provided for by law, and accord

"46. In no other case can ministers in office be sum- ing to the prescribed forms. moned or ordered by the chambers.

"47. When the chamber of representatives has pronounced that there is ground for enquiry against a minister, a new committee of sixty drawn by lot is formed, who are to make a new report on the placing in accusation. This committee makes its report ten days after its appointment.

"48. The placing in accusation is not to be decided till ten days after the report is read and distributed.

"49. The accusation being pronounced, the chamber appoints five of its members to prosecute the charge before the peers.

"50. The seventy-fifth article of the constitutional act of the 22d Frimaire, year 8, importing that the agents of government can only be prosecuted in virtue of a decision of the council of state, shall be modified by a law."

"62. Liberty of worship is guaranteed to all. "63. All property possessed or acquired in virtue of the laws, and all debts of the state, are inviolable.

❝64. Every citizen has a right to print and publish his thoughts, on signing them, without any previous censorship, liable, however, after publication, to legal responsibility, by trial by jury, even where there is ground only for the application of a correctional penalty.

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"65. The right of petitioning is secured to all the citizens. Every petition is individual. Petitions may be addressed either to the government or to the two chambers; nevertheless, even the latter must also be entitled To the emperor.' They shall be presented to the chambers under the guarantee of a member who recommends the petition. They are publicly read, and, if the chambers take them into consideration, they are laid before the emperor by the president.

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