swear to observe the constitutions of the empire, and to cause them to be observed."

The arch-chancellor then advanced to the throne, and pronounced the oath of obedience to the constitutions, and fidelity to the emperor. The whole assembly repeated with one voice, "We swear it!"

whatever they may be. My thoughts were then all occupied with the means of establishing our liberty by a constitution conformable to the will and interests of the people. I convoked the Champ de Mai. I soon learned that the princes who have disregarded all principles, who have trampled on the sentiments and dearest interests of so many nations, wish to make war Te Deum having been sung, Napoleon laid aside the against us. They meditate the increasing of the king-imperial mantle, and, rising from the throne, addressed dom of the Netherlands, by giving it as barriers all the military as follows:our northern frontier-places, and the conciliation of the differences which still exist amongst them, by dividing Lorraine and Alsace.

"Soldiers of the national guard of the empire! Soldiers of the land and sea forces! To your hands I con"It was now necessary to provide for war. But, be- fide the imperial eagle with the national colours. Swear fore personally encountering the hazard of battles, my to defend it at the expense of your blood against the first care has been to constitute the nation without de-enemies of France, and of this throne. Swear that it lay. The people have accepted the act which I have shall always be your rallying signal.” presented to them. Frenchmen, when we shall have repelled these unjust aggressions, and Europe shall be convinced of what is due to the rights and independ-ately resounded through the enclosure. In the midst ence of twenty-eight millions of people, a solemn law, of these acclamations, Buonaparte proceeded to the drawn up in the forms required by the constitutional other throne in the middle of the Champ de Mars. act, shall combine together the different dispositions of The troops marched in battalions and squadrons, and our constitutions now dispersed. surrounded the throne. He then, as colonel of the

Loud and universal cries of "We swear it," immedi

"Soldiers of the national guards of Paris! Soldiers of the imperial guards! I confide to you the national eagles, and the national colours. You swear to perish, if necessary, in defending them against the enemies of the country and the throne." The whole army, drawn up in close order around him, replied, with repeated exclamations of, "We swear it."

◄ Frenchmen, you are about to return to your de-national and imperial guard, presented to each its eagle, partments; inform the citizens that circumstances are and said,grand! that with union, energy, and perseverance, we shall return victorious from this contest of a great people against their oppressors; that future generations will severely scrutinize our conduct; and that a nation has lost all, when she has lost her independence. Tell them, that foreign kings whom I have raised to the throne, or who owe to me the preservation of their crowns, who all, during my prosperity, sought my alliance and the protection of the French people, now direct their blows against my person. Did I not perceive that it is the country they wish to injure, I would place at their mercy this existence, against which they show themselves so much incensed. But tell the citizens, that while the French people preserve towards me the sentiments of love, of which they have given me so many proofs, the rage of our enemies will be powerless.

“Frenchmen, my wish is that of the people; my rights are theirs; my honour, my glory, my happiness, can be no other than the honour, the glory, and the happiness of France."

The drum rolled, and silence was restored. "You swear," continued Napoleon, 66 never to acknowledge any other rallying sign." Again the cries of "We swear it," resounded on every side. "You soldiers of the national guard of Paris swear never to suffer foreigners again to pollute by their presence the capital of the great nation!" The most enthusiastic shouts of "We swear it," burst from every rank, and were prolonged by the immense multitude who surrounded the enclosure.

The drum once more beat, and a considerable time elapsed before order could be restored. "And you soldiers of the imperial guards," said the Corsican,

This harangue produced all the effect which was in-"swear to surpass yourselves in the campaign about to tended and desired. Shouts of enthusiasm rent the air, and it was long before order could be restored.

At length the Grand Almoner approached the throne, and, kneeling, presented the New Testament to Buonaparte, who took the oath in the following terms: "I

open, and to die rather than suffer foreigners to dictate laws to the country." The acclamations of "We swear it," were now repeated a thousand times by every voice. In vain the drum again rolled. Its sound was drowned by the shouts of the deluded multitude.

The troops were now ordered to defile before Napo- | the same month he again appeared as the advocate of leon, and, during two hours, which were occupied in that unfortunate prince. He exposed the injustice and the procession of the numerous battalions, the acclama- atrocity of a trial in which the enemies of Louis were tions were continued with little or no intermission. at once accusers, witnesses, jurymen, and judges; nor Previous to the meeting of the Champ de Mai, some would he quit the tribune, although he was assailed friends of liberty and their country had waited on Buo- with the most vehement outcries, and his voice was renaparte, and represented to him that it was in his power peatedly drowned by the most diabolical threats of reto make the ceremonies of that day a permanent bless- venge. Having been deluded into the idea that Louis ing to France, and the foundation of his own immortal was guilty, he voted on the nominal appeal, that he honour. The allies had declared that they made war should be imprisoned until the conclusion of peace, on him alone. Their overwhelming armies were press- and then banished. ing toward the frontiers, and the most sanguine mind He now distinguished himself by his bold opposition could not anticipate a favourable result. If, therefore, to all the sanguinary deeds which marked this period before the assembled nation, he were voluntarily to of the revolution. On one occasion, he kept possession abdicate the power which he had so recently resumed, of the tribune, though several of the members of the and offer himself a willing sacrifice for the salvation of Mountain party attempted to drag him thence with viohis country, he would retire into private life, followed lence. They exclaimed that he was suspected, and by the blessings of the people; his memory would demanded that he should resign. "I have, I believe," ever live in their grateful recollections, and his name said he, "hitherto shewn some courage and energy; would be enrolled in the brightest pages of history. expect then from me neither resignation nor suspenTo this proposal the usurper replied, that he was will- sion. Know that a victim which, adorned with flowers, ing to make every sacrifice for the welfare of France, is dragged to the altar, is not insulted by the sacrificing but that this was utterly impossible. He stated that the priest. You talk of sacrificing my power? What an army would be indignant at the mention of such appa- abuse of words! Sacrifices ought to be free, and you rent humiliation, and that his abdication would be the are not so." At this meeting, he was condemned to signal for tumult and civil war. The allies, he said, imprisonment; but, eluding the vigilance of the gend'had deeper and more dangerous projects in view. arme who guarded him, he escaped the fate in which They were less anxious for his deposition, than for the all his colleagues were soon involved. He was now disgrace and dismemberment of France. His resigna-out-lawed, and remained a fugitive and proscribed tion would not arrest their progress, but would merely until 1795, when he was recalled, and appointed predeprive the army of their chosen leader, weaken the sident of the legislative assembly. In this situation he means of defence, and expose the country to accumu-opposed every law against the relations of emigrants, lated evils.

On the following day the chamber of representatives commenced its sittings. The first business was to elect a president; and the choice fell on Lanjuinais, who was well known for his attachment to constitutional liberty, and for his uniform opposition to every despotic act of Buonaparte.

This person, before the revolution, was an advocate and professor of canon-law. He was a deputy of the tiers-etát to the states-general, and one of the founders of the jacobin-club, though never disgraced by the atrocities of that vile society. In August, 1789, he shewed that, though he was a friend to the cause of liberty, he was not inclined to unite with the disciples of anarchy, for he warmly opposed the sequestration of the property of the clergy, yet he was the person who proposed the abolition of all titles. When the reign of terror commenced, he allied himself with the moderate party. On the 15th of December, 1792, he spoke in favour of Louis XVI., and demanded that counsel and the means of defence should be granted to him. On the 26th of

and every decree which seemed unnecessarily severe. In 1800, he became one of the conservative senate, and strenuously opposed the despotic measures of Buonaparte. In 1802, before the Corsican was made first consul for life, a project was entertained by his partisans to raise him to the imperial dignity at once; and Ræderer made a speech to sound the conservative senate on this point. Lanjuinais replied to him, and exclaimed, that "Whoever he was that would take upon himself the title of Emperor, he would consider him as an enemy to his country and a usurper." Marshal Kellerman immediately drew his sword, and enquired, "whom he meant to stigmatise as an usurper?" adding, "that if he meant the First Consul, he would run him through the body!" The senate interposed, but Lanjuinais persisted in his declaration without naming any person. His firmness and eloquence produced so much effect on the senate, that it was thought advisable to drop the plan for the present. When Buonaparte was to be made emperor, Lanjuinais violently opposed it, and exclaimed, "What! are you so degraded as to

give your country a master taken from a race of men | formidable than those of Congreve. He offered this secret to the war-minister, and left in the office one of his boxes of fulminating silver, which he wished should be subjected to experiment, and he always carried in his pocket a considerable quantity of this dangerous substance."

so ignominious, that the Romans disdained to use them even as slaves?" He was also the author of the celebrated proces verbal, which pronounced the dethronement of Buonaparte, when the allies entered Paris in 1814.

As, on these accounts, Lanjuinais had incurred the hatred of Buonaparte, it was expected that he would not be disposed to ratify the choice of the representatives. Convinced, however, that it was not yet his policy to break with the chambers, he stifled his resentment, and the note informing him of the nomination was returned, after some delay, with the laconic addition, "I approve."

It was supposed that, on the next day, the sessions would have been opened by a speech from the throne, and an occurrence then took place, which seems to have been enveloped in mystery. A Saxon gentleman of distinction, named Sahla, gained admittance to the hall of representatives, in expectation of meeting with Buonaparte; but, on learning that the session would not be opened until the next day, he quitted the place, and, as he turned into a neighbouring street, accidentally slipped and fell; when a quantity of fulminating silver exploded in his pocket, and lacerated him in a dreadful manner.

This account was deemed unsatisfactory. The project which he had formerly conceived and almost executed against Buonaparte, and his quitting the hall as soon as he was informed that he would not be present until the next day, threw considerable suspicion on his intentions, and he was detained in prison till the second abdication of Napoleon.

The termination of the business rendered the whole yet more mysterious. A few days before the entrance of the allied troops into Paris he was set at liberty, and, on the following morning, he threw himself from the parapet of the bridge of Louis XVI. into the Seine. Immediate assistance was procured, but all attempts to restore animation were ineffectual.

The day after this person was taken into custody, Buonaparte went in state to the palace of representatives, to open the session of the chambers. The oath of fidelity to the emperor and the constitution having been taken, Napoleon uncovered himself a momentafterwards covered himself, and said

"Gentlemen, of the chamber of peers, and gentlemen of the chamber of representatives! "Within the last three months, existing circumstances, and the confidence of the nation, have again invested me with unlimited authority. The present day will behold the fulfilment of the wish dearest to my heart. I am now going to commence a constitutional monarchy.

He was immediately taken before the police, and it was recollected that five years before he had been apprehended for an attempt on the life of Buonaparte. For this he had been confined in the castle of Vincennes, until the entry of the allies into Paris. The account which he gave of himself was contradictory; but he remained so resolute in the determination which he had taken, that, a considerable time after his arrest, when he was interrogated in order to discover whether he could be liberated without any danger to Napoleon, "Mortals are too weak to insure future events; it is he ingenuously avowed that he had by no means re-solely the legal institutions which determine the destinounced his design. nies of nations. Monarchy is necessary to France, to guarantee the liberty, the independence, and the rights of the people.

In a succeeding examination he said, "that he had long been an enthusiast from a love of his country. That while the French government appeared to be the "Our constitution and laws have been scattered; one cause of the oppression of Germany, he shewed him- of our most important occupations will be, to collect self its unrelenting enemy, and attempted the life of them into a solid body, and to bring the whole within Buonaparte. But that since Saxony had passed under the reach of every mind. This work will recommend the yoke of the congress of Vienna, his rage had turn- the present age to the gratitude of future generations. ed against the authors of this new degradation. That It is my wish that France should enjoy all possible he fled from his country with the avowed design of liberty; I say possible, because anarchy always reseeking assistance from abroad. That he arrived in solves itself into an absolute government. A formidParis provided with recipes and inventions of destruc-able coalition of kings threatens our independence; tion, which he wished to get adopted in France as even their armies are approaching our frontiers.—The frigate more murderous than the usual implements of warfare. La Melpomene has been attacked and captured in the By means of fulminating silver, he supposed that he Mediterranean, after a sanguinary action with an Enghad discovered the secret of making rockets even morelish ship of seventy-four guns. Blood has been shed

n time of peace!—Our enemies reckon on our internal | us but considers the 1st of March as the day of the divisions. They excite and foment a civil war. As-salvation of the country. In vain the monarchs of Eusemblages have been formed, and communications are rope pretend to change our sentiments, as if a nation carried on with Ghent, in the same manner as with were not its own master. But, gentlemen, before the Coblentz in 1792. Legislative measures are, therefore, departure of the emperor, you will assure him, that become indispensably necessary; and I place my con- you will unite all your efforts, all those of the French fidence, without reserve, in your patriotism, your wis- people, to his generous exertions for the salvation of dom, and your attachment to my person. the country; and, since adulation and flattery have decreed to a prince, who was neither invited nor expected by the French nation, the fair title of THE DESIRed, do not you think-[murmurs]-do not you think it but just to decree also a title to the man, who, almost without means, confiding in the sentiments of the nation, landed alone on the 1st of March, to rescue us from slavery and the feudal system? I demand, therefore, that you declare him THE SAVIOUR OF THE COUNTRY.— [Cries from all quarters for the order of the day.]— I demand that at the same time you publish an address to the French people." [Here the uproar became so violent, that the president was obliged to ring his bell several times.]

"The liberty of the press is inherent in our present constitution; nor can any change be made in it, without altering our whole political system; but it must be subject to legal restrictions, more especially in the present state of the nation. I therefore recommend this important matter to your serious consideration.

"My ministers will inform you of the situation of our affairs. The finances would be in a satisfactory state, except from the increase of expense which the present circumstances render necessary; yet we might face every thing, if the receipts contained in the budget could all be realized within the year. It is to the means of arriving at this result that my minister of finances will direct your attention.

"It is possible that the first duty of princes may soon call me to fight for the country. The army and myself will do our duty. Do you, peers and representatives, give to the nation an example of confidence, energy, and patriotism; and, like the Roman senate, swear to die rather than survive the dishonour and degradation of France. The sacred cause of the country shall yet triumph!"

Soon after the opening of the chamber of representatives, it was abundantly evident that they were actuated by a very different spirit from what had ever before appeared among them during the former reign of Buonaparte; and that, in fact, they regarded him only in the light of the chief magistrate of the state, whom they were not bound to obey, or even respect, except as be conscientiously discharged the duties of his office.

Nor were the representatives more disposed to flatter the army. On the motion of Carnot, that, to add to the glory and enthusiasm of the armies, the chamber should decree that they had deserved well of their country, a strong opposition to it was manifest; and a motion for adjournment was carried, on the ground that hitherto they had not done any thing to deserve thanks. But the feelings of the chamber of representatives towards Buonaparte were marked in a still more decided manner, when Felix Lepelletier rose and stated, that he was about to propose an act of national equity and justice.

M. Felix Lepelletier."I am about to propose an act of national equity and justice. There is not one of

3.

M. Dupin.-"Yes, you are here to preserve, to assist our legitimate emperor, by all the means in your power; but would you suffer the poisoned breath of flattery to find its way already within these walls?"-[Continued uproar.]

The President." Though the assembly manifests a desire to avoid the discussion of the proposal that has been just made, I am obliged to put it to the vote.” On this the whole assembly rose to pass to the order of the day.

From these proceedings of the chamber of representatives, it is evident that they were strongly opposed to Buonaparte's resumption of his former power. Some of the members went much further, and indicated in pretty plain language, that, in their opinion, all titles ought to be abolished, and the government brought as near as possible to the simplicity of a republic: these sentiments, however, were by no means prevalent.

In the sitting of the 13th of June, the exposition of the minister of the interior was laid before the chamber of representatives. At all times these annual exposés were to be regarded with scruple and distrust; and it is not to be supposed that, at this period, they would be strictly conformable to the truth. This, however, is a curious and interesting document, as pointing out the hopes of Buonaparte, and the measures which he had adopted, as proofs of his altered principles and conduct, and as conducive to render him popular. In this view of it, we shall notice the most prominent and important parts.

After dwelling on the anxiety of the emperor for peace, and the injustice of the allies in their meditated

attack against France, the report proceeds to notice the | minable negotiations commenced by the last govern royalist and republican parties. The former are repre- ment with the court of Rome, and to re-establish, upon sented as by no means numerous or formidable. As to the basis of the concordat, the liberties of the Gallican the republicans, "converted from old errors of which church. experience made them feel too severely the cruel effects, they see in the emperor only the protector of the liberal ideas which they have at all times themselves professed, and which excesses alone have pre-functions, had done justice by abdicating their offices, vented them from hitherto seeing realized.”

The first head of the exposition related to the communes. It represented, that, under the Bourbons, the communal administrations had been almost totally abandoned, and the communal funds dilapidated by the journeys of the princes; the restoration of the woods to the emigrants, &c. &c.

The second head related to the hospitals, which had also suffered much in consequence of losing one of their principal resources by the restoration of property to emigrants, with which they had been endowed by solemn laws.

Under the head of WORKS, the exposé stated that they should be resumed, but, in future, they should be exclusively reserved for France.

With respect to MANUFACTURES, they were said to be flourishing. The manufacture of sugar from the beetroot, in spite of all the efforts made to destroy it, promised shortly to render Europe independent of the New World for that article; and the indigo procured from woad already rivalled that of India.

JURISPRUDENCE.-This article of the report was extremely short. The minister merely stated, that those civil judges who felt themselves unworthy of their

and that, as far as respected the administration of the criminal law, the establishment of the trial by jury every day merited new approbation; but that, in the mean time, some organical institutions were necessary to regulate the duties and diminish the labours of those judicial citizens.

It was impossible to follow M. le Comte Regnault through all the details which he furnished on the important topic of the WAR DEPARTMENT. The result is, that, on the 1st of April, 1814, the army consisted of four hundred and fifty thousand men, exclusive of one hundred and fifty thousand prisoners, all veteran soldiers, and of one hundred and fifteen thousand conscripts of the levy of 1815, of which forty-five thousand only out of one hundred and sixty thousand had beer raised. The last government, at once prodigal an. avaricious, alarmed at its own strength, and essentially hostile to the army, had taken every possible means o diminishing it.

The orator then described the various oppressions t which the army had been exposed, particularly by the Under the title of INSTRUCTIONS, it was stated that, introduction of the emigrants, and which had reduced though the number both of scholars and colleges had its number to one hundred and seventy-five thousand been diminished, yet the university of Paris had still men. Since the 20th of March last, its number had under its direction three hundred and twenty-five thou- been raised to three hundred and seventy-five thousand sand five hundred and fifty-four pupils; and the Ly-combatants of every description; and, before the 1st ceum displayed the best spirit.

of August, it would amount to five hundred thousand, independent of the national guards.

THE IMPERIAL GUARD.-"This surest bulwark of the throne in times of war, and its finest ornament in time of peace," had a separate article allotted to it in the official report. The minister condemned the injustice with which it was treated by the last government, and announced that it already amounted to forty thousand men.

PUBLIC WORSHIP.-In speaking of the clergy, the minister did not attempt to disguise the errors they committed under the last government, in giving way, from the lure of a restitution of church property, to the influence of emigrants, in stigmatizing as plunderers the owners of national property, whose titles had been recognised as legitimate by the Pope himself; and in attempting, in the name of the Almighty, whose servants they are, to light up the flames of civil war among The losses in the ARTILLERY had been in a great men. The emperor, however, was always disposed to measure repaired; they were occasioned chiefly by protect and even favour the ministers of the church, so treachery, and especially the delivering up of all the long as they confined themselves within the bounds of strong places, by order of the Count D'Artois, in bis their duty, and had already conferred on the curates capacity of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. By an augmentation of one hundred and fifty francs, which this single act, France had lost twelve thousand pieces had been vainly promised to them by the last govern- of cannon, mostly of brass, the value of which was ment. The emperor was, besides, the only sovereign estimated at two hundred millions of francs. This loss, who, having no further interests to arrange with the however, had been entirely supplied; the arsenals, maPope, had it in his power to put an end to those inter-gazines of powder, and armories, were in full activity