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now his attempts for possessing himself of the supreme | most Christian majesty is invited to accede under cerpower in France.

"Art. 4. The present treaty being principally applicable to the present circumstances, the stipulations of the treaty of Chaumont, and particularly those contained in the sixteenth article of the same, shall be again in force, as soon as the object actually in view shall have been attained.

"Art. 5. Whatever relates to the command of the combined armies, to supplies, &c. shall be regulated by a particular convention.

tain stipulations, is to be understood as binding the contracting parties upon principles of mutual security, to a common effort against the power of Napoleon Buonaparte, in pursuance of the third article of the said treaty; but is not to be understood as binding his Britannic majesty to prosecute the war, with a view of imposing upon France any particular government.

"However solicitous the Prince Regent must be to see his most Christian majesty restored to the throne, and however anxious he is to contribute, in conjunction "Art. 6. The high-contracting parties shall be al- with his allies, to so auspicious an event, he neverlowed respectively to accredit to the generals command-theless deems himself called upon to make this declaing their armies, officers who shall have the liberty of corresponding with their governments, for the purpose of giving information of military events, and of every thing relating to the operations of the armies.

ration on the exchange of the ratifications, as well in consideration of what is due to his most Christian majesty's interests in France, as in conformity to the principles upon which the British government has invaria

“Art. 7. The engagements entered into by the pre-bly regulated its conduct." sent treaty having for their object the maintenance of the general peace, the high-contracting parties agree to invite all the powers of Europe to accede to the

same.

"Art. 8. The present treaty having no other end in view but to support France, or any other country which may be invaded, against the enterprises of Buonaparte and his adherents, his most Christian majesty shall be specially invited to accede hereunto; and, in the event of his majesty's requiring the forces stipulated in the second article, to make known what assistance circumstances will allow him to bring forward in furtherance of the object of the present treaty."

SEPARATE ARTICLE.

"As circumstances night prevent his majesty the king of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland from keeping constantly in the field the number of troops specified in the second article, it is agreed that his Britannic majesty shall have the option, either of furnishing his contingent in men, or of paying at the rate of thirty pounds sterling per annum for each eavalry-soldier, and twenty pounds per annum for each infantry-soldier, that may be wanting to complete the number stipulated in the second article.”

The treaty thus ratified, and with this declaration anpexed, was sent back to Vienna; and it appears from an official letter from the Earl of Clancarty, the British, ambassador there, that the views and intentions of the other allied powers were the same as those of Great Britain; for he expressly states, that "the allies are at war for the purpose of obtaining some security for their own independence, and for the re-conquest of tha peace and permanent tranquillity for which the world has so long panted. They are not even at war for the greater or less proportion of security which France can afford them of future tranquillity, but because France, under its present chief, is unable to afford them any. security whatever.

"In this war they do not desire to interfere with any legitimate right of the French people: they have no design to oppose the claim of that nation to choose their own form of government, or intention to trench in any respect upon their independence as a great and free people; but they do think they have a right, and that of the highest nature, to contend against the re-establishment of an individual as the head of the French government, whose past conduct has invariably demonstrated that, in such a situation, he will not suffer other

This treaty was sent over to Great Britain to be rati-nations to be at peace; whose restless ambition, whose fied; and at the same time that it was ratified, the folowing explanatory declaration was annexed to it on the part of the Prince Regent:

DECLARATION.

"The undersigned, on the exchange of the ratificatious of the treaty of the 25th of March last, on the part of his court, is hereby commanded to declare, that the eighth article of the said treaty, wherein his

thirst for foreign conquest, and whose disregard for the rights and independence of other states, must expose the whole of Europe to renewed scenes of plunder and devastation.

"However general the feelings of the sovereigns may be in favour of the restoration of the king, they no otherwise seek to influence the proceedings of the French in the choice of this, or any other dynasty or form of government, than may be essential to the safety

and by the intrigues of the Prince of Benevento, that Maria Louisa and her son were thus despoiled. "4. Eugene, the adopted son of Napoleon, was to have obtained a suitable establishment out of France; | but he has received nothing.

"5. The emperor had stipulated for the army the preservation of their rewards given them on Monte Napoleon. He had reserved to himself, the power to recompense his faithful followers. But every thing has

and permanent tranquillity of the rest of Europe: such reasonable security being afforded by France in this espect, as other states have a legitimate right to claim in their own defence, their object will be satisfied; and they shall joyfully return to that state of peace which will then, and then only, be open to them; and lay down those arms, which they have only taken up for the purpose of acquiring that tranquillity so eagerly desired by them, on the part of their respective empires." On the 2d of April, the Corsican published a mani-been taken away, and abused by the ministers of the festo in justification of his conduct. After adverting to the style of the manifesto of the allies, of which it asserts, that "it provokes the crime of assassination, and is almost unparalleled in the history of the world," "6. The preservation of the property, moveable and it proceeds to state the instances in which the treaty of immoveable, belonging to the emperor's family, was Fontainebleau was violated by the allies and the Bour-provided for; but all was robbed,-in France by combons, and by which Napoleon considered himself re-missioned brigands,-in Italy by the violence of the leased from all cbligations to observe it. military chiefs.

"The treaty of Fontainebleau has been violated by the allied powers, and by the house of Bourbon, in what respects the Emperor Napoleon and his family, and in what regards the interests and rights of the French nation.

"I. The Empress Maria Louisa and her son were to obtain passports, and an escort, to repair to the emperor; but, in direct violation of this promise, the husband and wife, father and son, were separated under painful circumstances, when the firmest mind has occasion to seek consolation and support in family and domestic affections.

"2. The security of Napoleon, and of his imperial family and their suite, were guaranteed by all the powers; yet bands of assassins were organized in France under the eyes of the French government, and even by its orders, for attacking the emperor, his brothers, and their wives, in default of the success anticipated from this first branch of the plot. An insurrection was prepared at Orgon, on the emperor's route, in order that an attempt might be made on his life by some brigands. The Sieur Brulart, an associate of Georges, had been sent as governor to Corsica, in order to make sure of the crime; and, in fact, several detached assassins have attempted, in the Isle of Elba, to gain, by the murder of the emperor, the base reward which was promised them.

"3. The duchies of Parma and Placentia were given in full property to Maria Louisa, for herself, her son, and their descendants. After a long refusal to put her in possession, the injustice was completed by an absolute spoliation, under the illusory pretext of an exchange, without valuation, or sovereignty, and without her consent. And the documents in the office of foreign affairs prove that it was on the solicitations

Bourbons. M. Bresson, an agent from the army, was despatched from Vienna to assert their claims; but his representations were ineffectual.

"7. Napoleon was to have received two millions, and his family two millions five hundred thousand francs per annum. The French government, however, constantly refused to discharge its engagements, and Napoleon would soon have been obliged to disband his faithful guards, for want of the means of paying them, had he not found an honourable resource in the conduct of some bankers and merchants of Genoa and Italy, who advanced twelve millions, which they had offered to him.

"8. In short, it was not without a cause that it was desirable by every means to remove from Napoleon the companions of his glory, the unshaken sureties of his safety and of his existence. The Island of Elba was assigned to him in perpetuity; but the resolution of robbing him of it was, at the instigation of the Bourbons, fixed upon by the congress. Had not Providence prevented it, Europe would have seen an attempt made on the person and liberty of Napoleon, left hereafter at the mercy of his enemies, and transported, far from his friends and followers, either to St. Lucie or St. Helena, which had been named as his prison.

“And when the allied powers, yielding to the wishes and the instigations of the house of Bourbon, condescended to violate the solemn contract, on the faith of which Napoleon liberated the French nation from its oaths; when he himself, and all the members of his family, saw themselves menaced, attacked in their persons, in their properties, in their affections, in all the rights stipulated in their favour as princes, in those even secured by the laws to private citizens,—what conduct was Napoleon to adopt?

"Was he, after enduring so many injuries, and supporting so many acts of injustice, to consent to the complete violation of the engagements entered into

with him, and, resigning himse f personally to the fate prepared for him, to abandon also his wife, his son, his family, and his faithful servants, to their frightful destiny?

"Such a resolution seems beyond the endurance of human nature; and yet Napoleon would have embraced it, if the peace and happiness of France had been the price of this new sacrifice. He would have devoted himself for the French people, from whom, as he will declare in the face of Europe, it is his glory to hold every thing; whose good shall be the object of all his endeavours, and to whom alone he will be answerable for his actions, and devote his life."

she dislikes, to the feudal chains which she has thrown off, and to the seignorial or ecclesiastical prostrations from which she has emancipated herself; if they do not wish to impose laws on her, to interfere with her internal concerns, to assign a form of government to her, and to give masters to her to satisfy the pleasure or the passions of her neighbours.

"Nothing has been changed: if, when France is occupied with preparing the new social compact which shall guarantee the liberty of her citizens, and the triumph of the generous ideas which prevail in Europe, they do not force her to withdraw herself from those pacific thoughts and means of internal prosperity, to which the people and their chief wish to consecrate themselves in a happy accordance, and again direct their energies to war.

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The manifesto then proceeds to state the causes, arising from the internal state of France, and the errors of the Bourbons, which occasioned the return of Napoleon; the renunciation by the emperor of all his former plans of aggrandizement, and his resolution to abide by the conditions of the treaty of Paris. It also deprecates the interference of foreign powers in the choice of the French people, and concludes as follows:ence, and the sovereign of its choice." "And now, replaced at the head of the nation which had thrice already made choice of him, and which has a fourth time designated him by the reception which it has given him in his rapid and triumphant march and arrival, what does Napoleon wish from this nationby which, and for the interest of which, he wishes to reign?

Nothing has been changed: if, when the French 'nation only demands to remain at peace with all Europe, an unjust coalition does not compel it to defend, as it did in 1792, its will and its rights, its independ

"What the French people wish-the independence of France, internal peace, peace with all nations, and the execution of the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814.

"What is the change, then, which has taken place in the state of Europe, and in the hope of that repose which was promised to it? What voice is raised to demand assistance, which, according to the declaration, ought only to be given when called for?

Two days afterwards, the following circular letter, written by Napoleon himself, was despatched to the courts of all the allies:→

"Paris, April 4, 1815.

"SIR, MY BROTHER, "You have no doubt learned in the course of the last month my return to France, my entrance into Paris, and the departure of the family of the Bourbons. The true nature of these events must now be made known to your majesty. They are the results of an irresistible power; the results of the unanimous wish of a great nation which knows its duties and its rights. The dynasty which force had given to the French people was not fitted for it. The Bourbons neither associated with the national sentiments or manners; "Nothing has been changed: if the allied powers France has therefore separated herself from them. Her return, as it is expected they will do, to just and mo- voice called for a liberator. The hopes which induced derate sentiments; if they acknowledge that the exist-me to make the greatest sacrifices for her have not been ence of France, in a respectable and independent state, deceived. I came; and, from the spot where I first as far from conquering as from being conquered, from set my foot, the love of my people has borne me into dominating as from being subjugated, is necessary to the heart of my capital. the balance of great kingdoms, and to the guarantee of inferior states.

"Nothing has been changed: if, respecting the rights of a great nation which desires to respect the rights of all others, which, high-minded and generous, has been lowered, but never degraded, they allow it to retake a Sovereign,, and give itself a constitution and laws suitable to its manners, its interests, and its wants.

"Nothing has been changed: if they do not attempt to constrain France to submit again to a dynasty which

"The first wish of my heart is to repay so much affection by the maintenance of an honourable peace. The restoration of the imperial throne was necessary for the happiness of the French people. It is my sincerest desire to render it at the same time subservient to the maintenance of the repose of Europe. Enough of glory has shone by turns on the colours of the various nations. The vicissitudes of fortune bave often enough occasioned great reverses, followed by great successes.

"A more brilliant arena is now open to sovereigns, and I am the first to descend into it. After having presented to the world the spectacle of great battles, it will now be more delightful to know no other rivalship in future, but that resulting from the advantages of peace, and no other struggle but the sacred one of felicity for our people.

"France has been pleased to proclaim with candour this noble object of her unanimous wish. Jealous of her independence, the invariable principle of her policy will be the most rigid respect for the independence of other nations. If such, then, as I trust they are, are the personal sentiments of your majesty, general tranquillity is secured for a long time to come; and justice, seated on the confines of the various states, will, of herself, be sufficient to guard the frontiers. "NAPOLN."

"3. Whether it be necessary or proper to publish a new declaration to confirm or modify that of the 13th of March?"

With respect to the first question, the committee came to this general conclusion, that the will of the French people is by no means sufficient to re-establish, in a legal sense, a government proscribed by solemn engagements which that very people entered into with all the powers of Europe; and that they cannot, under any pretext, give validity, as against those powers, to the right of recalling to the throne him whose exclusion was a condition preliminary to every pacific arrangement with France: the wish of the French people, even if it were fully ascertained, would not be the less null in regard to Europe, towards re-establishing a power against which all Europe has been in a state of permanent protest from the 31st of March, 1814, to the 13th of March, 1815; and, in this view, the position of Buonaparte is precisely at this day what it was at those last-mentioned periods.

In consequence of Buonaparte's publishing his ircular letter, the congress at Vienna deemed it pror to appoint a committee to examine whether, after the events that had passed since the return of Napoleon Buonaparte to France, and in consequence of the documents published at Paris on the declaration which the powers issued against him on the 13th of March, 't would be necessary to proceed to a new declaration. The positions laid down by Buonaparte, in reference to the declaration of the 13th of March, were the follow-them from requiring from France the guarantees which ing:

With respect to the second question, the committee observe, that the treaty of Paris was highly favourable to France, but it was favourable because France agreed to give up Buonaparte; never, in treating with him, would the allies have consented to the conditions which they granted to a government, which, while offering to Europe a pledge of security and stability, relieved

they had demanded under its former government. This clause, the expulsion of Buonaparte, and the consent “1. That that declaration, directed against Buonaparte of the French to the Bourbon dynasty, the committee at the period of his landing on the coast of France, observe, is inseparable from the treaty of Paris,―to was without application now that he had laid hold of abolish it, is to break the treaty: if, therefore, the rethe reins of government without open resistance; and turn of Buonaparte is with the consent of the French that this fact sufficiently proving the wishes of the na-nation, they, by this consent, in fact, declare war tion, he had not only re-entered into possession of his old rights in regard to France, but that the question even of the legitimacy of his government had ceased to be within the jurisdiction of the powers.

"2. That by offering to ratify the treaty of Paris, he removed every ground of war against him."

against Europe; for the state of peace did not exist between Europe and France, except by the treaty of Paris, and the treaty of Paris is incompatible with the power of Buonaparte.

The committee next proceed to observe, that as the French nation, by again receiving Buonaparte, have, in fact, broken one of the most essential articles of the

The committee of congress were specially charged treaty of Paris, the question is no longer the mainte

to take into consideration

"1. Whether the position of Buonaparte, in regard to the powers of Europe, has changed by the fact of his arrival at Paris, and by the circumstances that accompanied the first success of his attempt on the throne of France?

"2. Whether the offer to sanction the treaty of Paris of the 31st of May, 1814, can determine the powers to adopt a system different from that which they announced in the declaration of the 13th of March?

nance of that treaty, but the making it afresh; and with whom is it to be now entered into? The man who, in now offering to sanction the treaty of Paris, pretends to substitute his guarantee for that of a sovereign whose loyalty was without stain, and benevolence without measure, is the same who, during fifteen years, ravaged and laid waste the earth, to find means of satisfying his ambition; who sacrificed millions of victims, and the happiness of an entire generation, to a system of conquests; whose truces, little worthy of the

name of peace, have only rendered him more oppressive and more odious; who, after having, by mad enterprises, tired fortune, armed all Europe against him, and exhausted all the means of France, was forced to abandon his projects and abdicated power, to save some relics of existence; who, at the moment when the nations of Europe were giving themselves up to the hope of a durable tranquillity, meditated new catastrophes ; and, by a double perfidy towards the powers who had too generously spared him, and towards a government which he could not attack without the blackest treason, usurped a throne which he had renounced, and which he never occupied except for the misery of France and the world. This man has no other guarantee to propose to Europe than his word. After the cruel experience of fifteen years, who would have the courage to accept this guarantee? who could any longer respect the security which it could offer?

"2. That these reasons remain in all their force; and that the changes which have in fact occurred since the declaration of the 13th of March, have produced no alteration in the position of Buonaparte and of France with regard to the allies:

"3. That the offer to ratify the treaty of Paris cannot, on any account, alter the disposition of the allies. "Therefore, the committee is of opinion that it would be useless to publish a fresh declaration.”

The allies being thus determined on war, it was necessary that no time should be lost in bringing their troops into the field. Most of the Russians had already retired within the frontiers of Poland; the Prussians and Austrians also had returned to their respective countries. But, as the allies were deeply impressed with the indispensable necessity of the most prompt and vigorous measures, it was resolved, that all the

The answer to the second question concludes in the troops which they were to furnish, and even more than following terms:

their quotas, should, without the least delay, begin their march towards the frontiers of France. The plan of the campaign was similar to that which had been pursued with such success during the year 1814; that

But the continental allies could not stir in this momentous affair unless Britain subsidized them most liberally. For this purpose, the chancellor of the exchequer proposed and carried with little opposition the renewal of the income-tax, and a loan to an almost unparalleled extent was also raised.

"Peace with a government placed in such hands, and composed of such elements, would only be a perpetual state of uncertainty, anxiety, and danger. No power being able effectually to disarm it, the people would en-is, France was to be invaded in every direction. joy none of the advantages of a true peace; they would be overwhelmed with expenses of all kinds; confidence not being able to establish itself any where, industry and commerce would every where languish; nothing would be stable in political relations; a sullen discontent would spread over all countries; and, from day to day, Europe in alarm would expect a new explosion. The sovereigns have certainly not misunder-cessions, and twenty-five treaties of subsidy. By the stood the interest of their people, in judging that an open war, with all its inconveniences and all its sacrifices, is preferable to such a state of things, and the measures which they have adopted have met the general approbation.

"The opinion of Europe, on this great occasion, is pronounced in a manner very positive and very solemn; never could the real sentiments of nations have been more accurately known and more faithfully interpreted than at a moment when the representatives of all the powers were assembled to consolidate the peace of the world."

Great Britain also entered into twelve treaties of ac

treaty of accession with Baden, his Britannic majesty engaged in his own name, and in that of his allies, not to lay down his arms without particularly taking into consideration the interests of the Duke of Baden, and not to permit the political existence of the duchy to be violated. The other treaties of accession were with Bavaria, Denmark, Hanover, the grand Duke of Hesse, the King of the Netherlands, Portugal, Sardinia, Saxony, Switzerland, Wurtemberg, and the princes and free towns of Germany. The treaties of subsidy were with the same powers, and by these Baden was to furnish sixteen thousand men, Bavaria sixty thousand, Denmark fifteen thousand, Hanover twenty-six thousand four hundred, the grand Duke of Hesse eight thousand, Sardinia fifteen thousand, Saxony eight thousand, Wurtemberg twenty thousand, besides the troops to be fur"1. That the declaration of the 13th of March was nished by the princes and free towns of Germany; so dictated to the powers by reasons of such evident jus- that Great Britain had at her command upwards of two tice and such decisive weight, that none of the sophis-hundred thousand troops. They were to be paid at tries by which it is pretended to be attacked can at all the rate of 117. 2s. per man, for the service of the year ending the 5th of April, 1816. It is to be observed,

With respect to the third question, whether it is necessary to publish a new declaration, the committee remark, that the preceding observations furnish the answer to this. It considers,

affect it:

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