course of things, in a growing state. It will therefore of itself, for a series of years, gradually improve. There are however many things by which that improvement may be facilitated or retarded; and it is the laudable purpose of this fociety, to attend to these circumstances with care, and use their utmost endeavors to encourage the one and to remove the other. Having had the honor of being admitted a member of this fociety, and not having it much in my power any otherwife to promote American improvements, I could not refift the inclination I felt to digeft and put in writing, a few reflections upon the police of countries in general, the great principles on which the Philadelphia Society ought to proceed, and perhaps I may propofe fome particular regulations.

1. The moral caufes of the profperity of a country, are almoft infinitely more powerful than thofe that are only occafional. This obfervation is taken from Montefquieu, by whom it is admirably illuftrated, and it ought never to be out of view with those who wish to promote the general good. The moral causes arife from the nature of the government, including the adminiftration of justice, liberty of conscience, the partition of property. The rise of a particular town, the cultivation and beauty of a particular

quarter of a country, may fometimes be juftly afcribed to the furprifing effects of a single person who fet the example; yet he was only the occafion, properly speaking, of the vigorous exertion. The confequences could never be general or lafting, if there was not a disposition to it in the conftitution of the country. Therefore, a facred regard should be had by every lover of mankind, to the principles of equity and liberty, that they may never be violated by any public proceedings. Pennfylvania is fo hapру in this particular, that its conftitution need not be improved, but preferved and defended.

2. It is extremely difficult, after you depart from general principles, to discover what particular regulations will be for the interest of a country. It requires a very comprehenfive mind, and a thorough knowledge of the courfe of trade and police in general. Befides, it is not only difficult, but impoffible to foresee what circumstances may afterwards occur. Many things are useful and expedient at one time, which in a few years become unneceffary or hurtful. Nay, many selfish laws have operated from the beginning, in a manner directly contrary to what was expected. The incorporation of trades in the cities in Britain, is an inftance of the firft: and almost every law made to the prejudice of Ireland, is an example of the laft.

On the present State of PUBLIC AFFAIRS, and on the Duty and Interest of America in this Important Crisis.

T

HAT the prefent is an important æra to America, has been fo often repeated, that I fuppofe no man doubts it, and I hope few will forget it. Yet, however august the idea, it is capable of being greatly enlarged. It will be an important æra in the history of mankind. The extent of this country is such, that as it is now, and probably will foon be settled, it makes no inconfiderable part of the globe itself. The European in general, but particularly the British fettlements in America, have for thefe hundred years paft, been exhibiting to the world a fcene differing in many refpects from what it ever beheld. In all the ancient emigrations, or colonial settlements, the number was fmall, the territory very limited, and which was still more, the people and the foil were almoft alike uncultivated; and therefore both proceeded to improvement by very flow degrees. But in America. we see a country almoft without bounds, new and untouched, taken poffeffion of at once by the power, the learning and the wealth of Europe.

Hence it is that the cultivation and the population of America have advanced with a rapidity next to miraculous, and of which no political calculators have principles or data fufficient to make a certain judgment. I hold every thing that has been faid on the numbers in America to be good for nothing, except in certain places where they have proceeded on actual numeration. When writers

С с

ftate, that the inhabitants in America double themselves in twenty or twenty-five years, they fpeak by guefs, and they fay nothing. It may be under or over the truth in certain places; but there are others in which they become twenty times the number in feven years. I do not know, and therefore will not attempt to conjecture, how faft mankind may multiply in a country that is in the most favorable state poffible, both in itself, and for receiving an acceffion from others less happily circumstanced. What is more certain, as well as of more importance to observe, is, that the British colonies in North-America, have in this respect exceeded every other country upon the face of the earth.

What has caufed this difference? Does the climate of Britain naturally produce more wisdom, ftrength and activity, than that of France, Spain or Portugal ? Surely not, or wo to America itself; for the beft of its colonies are in the climate of these very countries. It is therefore without doubt owing to the liberty which pervades the British conftitution, and came with the colonists to this part of the earth. Montefquieu has, with inimitable beauty, fhewn that the natural caufes of population or depopulation, are not half fo powerful as the moral causes; by which laft he means the ftate of fociety, the form of government, and the manners of the people. War, famine and peftilence are scarcely felt, where there is liberty and equal laws. The wound made by those fore judgments is speedily clofed by the vigor of the conftitution; whereas, in a more fickly frame, a trifling fcratch will rankle and produce long difeafe, or perhaps terminate in death. We need go no further than our own country to have full proof of the force of liberty. The fouthern colonies, bleffed as they are with a fuperior foil and more powerful fun, are yet greatly inferior to Pennsylvania and New-England, in numbers, ftrength, and value of land in proportion to its quantity. The matter is easily folved. The conftitutions of thefe latter colonies are more favorable to univerfal industry.

But with all the differences between one colony and another, America in general, by its gradual improve

ment, not long ago exhibited a spectacle the most delightful that can be conceived, to a benevolent and contemplative mind. A country, growing every year in beauty and fertility, the people growing in numbers and wealth, arts and fciences carefully cultivated and conftantly advancing, and poffeffing fecurity of property by liberty and equal laws, which are the true and proper fource of all the reft: while things were in this fituation, Great Britain reaped a great, unenvied and still increafing profit from the trade of the colonies. I am neither fo weak as to believe, nor fo foolifh as to affirm, as fome did in the beginning of this conteft, that the colony trade was the whole fupport of a majority of the people in GreatBritain. How could any perfon of reflection fuppofe that the foreign trade of three millions of people, could be the chief fupport of eight millions, when the internal trade of these eight millions themselves, is and must be the fupport of double the number that could be fupported by the trade of America, befides their trade to every other part of the world? But our trade was ftill of great importance and value, and yielded to Great-Britain yearly a profit vaftly fuperior to any thing they could reasonably hope to draw from taxes and impofitions, although they had been fubmitted to without complaint.

This however did not fatisfy the king, miniftry and parliament of Great-Britain. They formed golden, but mistaken and delufive hopes of lightening their own burdens' by levying taxes from us. They formed various plans, and attempted various measures, not the most prudent I confefs, for carrying their purpofe into effect. The ultimate purpose itself was in fome degree covered at first, and they hoped to bring it about by flow and imperceptible steps. In fome inftances the impofition was in itself of little confequence; as the appointing the colonies to furnish falt, pepper and vinegar to the troops. But the laudable and jealous spirit of liberty was alive and awake, and hardly fuffered any of them to pafs unobferved or unrefifted. Public fpirited writers took care that it should not fleep; and in particular the celebrated Pennsylvania Farmer's Letters were of fignal fervice, by furnishing the