them by far will really be in the hands of fpeculators. When this is notorioufly the cafe, I fhall not be at all furprised to find that fomebody will propofe a new scale of depreciation, and fay to the holders, you fhall have them for what they were worth and generally fold at, at such a time. Paft experience juftifies this expectation, and no declara. tion we can make to the contrary, will be ftronger than that of Congress in the year 1779, that they would redeem the money, and that it was a vile and Дanderous afsertion, that they would fuffer it to fink in people's hands. I know particular perfons also, who by believing this declaration, loft their all. Now, if this fhall be the cafe again, public faith will be once more trodden under foot; and the few remaining original holders of certificates will lose them entirely, being taken in connection with those who purchased them at an under value.

TH

HE fubject we are now upon, is felt and confeffed by us all to be of the utmoft confequence, and perhaps I may alfo fay, of delicacy and difficulty. I have not been accustomed in fuch cafes to make folemn profeffions of impartiality; and fhall not do it now, because I will not fuppofe that there are any fufpicions to the contrary in the minds of thofe who hear me. Besides, the variety of opinions that have been formed and delivered upon it, seem to prove that we are giving our own proper judgment, without prejudice or influence; which I hope will lead to the difcovery of what is most wife and expedient upon the whole.

As the deliberation arifes from a meffage fent to us by lord Howe, at least by his permiffion, I think it is of importance to attend with greater exactness to all the circumftances of that meffage, than has been done by any genWeman who has yet fpoken on the fubject. It comes

from the commander in chief of the forces of the king of Great-Britain, and one who is faid to carry a commiflion to give peace to America.

From the conduct of the miniftry at home, from the acts of parliament, and from lord Howe's proclamation in conformity to both, it is plain, that abfolute unconditional fubmiffion is what they require us to agree to, or mean to force us to. And from the most authentic private intelligence, the king has not laid afide his perfonal rancor; it is rather increasing every day. In thefe circumftances, lord Howe has evidently a great defire to engage us in a treaty; and yet he has conftantly avoided giving up the leaft punctilio on his fide. He could never be induced to give general Washington his title. He plainly tells us he cannot treat with Congrefs as fuch; but he has allowed a prisoner of war to come and tell us he would be glad to fee us as private gentlemen.

It has been faid that this is no infult or difgrace to the Congrefs; that the point of honor is hard to be got over, in making the first advances. This, fir, is mistaking the matter wholly. He has got over this point of honor; he has made the first overtures; he has told general Washington, by colonel Putnam, that he wifhed that meffage to be confidered as making the first step. His renewed attempts by lord Drummond, and now by general Sullivan, point out to all the world that he has made the first step. It will doubtlefs be related at home, and I am of opinion it is already written and boafted of to the ministry at home, that he has taken fuch a part. Therefore, any evil or condefcenfion that can attend feeking peace firft, has been fubmitted to by him. Yet has he uniformly avoided any circumftance that can imply that we are any thing else but fubjects of the king of Great-Britain, in rebellion. Such a message as this, if in any degree intended as refpectful to us, ought to have been fecret; yet has it been open as the day. In short, such a message was unneceflary; for if he meant only to communicate his mind to the Congress by private gentlemen, he might have done that many ways, and it needed not to have been known either to the public or the Congrefs, till these

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private gentlemen came here on purpose to reveal it. -Thefe, then, are the circumftances which attend this meflage as it is now before us; and the question is, shall we comply with it in any degree, or not? Let us afk what benefit fhall be derived from it? There is none yet fhewn to be poffible. It has been admitted by every perfon without exception who has fpoke, that we are not to admit a thought of giving up the independence we have fo lately declared; and by the greatest part, if not the whole, that there is not the leaft reafon to expect that any correspondence we can have with him will tend to peace. Yet I think, in the beginning of the debate, such reasonings were used as feemed to me only to conclude that we fhould grafp at it as a means of peace. We were told that it was eafy for us to boaft or be valiant here; but that our armies were running away before their enemies. never loved boafting, neither here nor any where else. I look upon it as almost a certain forerunner of difgrace. I found my hope of fuccefs in this caufe, not in the valor of Americans, or the cowardice of Britons, but upon the' justice of the cause, and still more upon the nature of things. Britain has firft injured and inflamed America to the highest degree; and now attempts, at the distance of three thousand miles, to carry on war with this whole country, and force it to abfolute fubmiflion. If we take the whole events of the war fince it commenced, we fhall rather wonder at the uniformity of our fuccefs, than be furprised at fome crofs events. We have feen bravery as well as cowardice in this country; and there are no confequences of either that are probable, that can be worth mentioning, as afcertaining the event of the contest.

Lord Howe fpeaks of a decifive blow not being yet ftruck; as if this caufe depended upon one battle, which could not be avoided. Sir, this is a prodigious mistake. We may fight no battle at all for a long time, or we may lofe fome battles, as was the cafe with the British themselves in the Scotch rebellion of 1745, and the caufe notwithstanding be the fame. I wish it were confidered, that neither lofs nor difgrace worth mentioning, has befallen us in the late engagement, nor comparable to what the British troops have

often fuffered. At the battle of Prefton, fir, they broke, to pieces and ran away like fheep, before a few highlanders. I myself saw them do the fame thing at Falkirk, with very little difference, a fmall part only of the army making a stand, and in a few hours the whole retreating with precipitation before their enemics. Did that make any difference in the caufe? Not in the leaft-fo long as the body of the nation were determined, on principle, against the rebels. Nor would it have made any other difference, but in time, though they had got poffeffion of London, which they might have easily done if they had underftood their bufinefs; for the militia in England there gathered together, behaved fifty times worfe than that of America has done lately. They generally difbanded and run off wholly as foon as the rebels came within ten or twenty miles of them. In fhort, fir, from any thing that has happened, I fee not the leaft reafon for our attending to this delufive message. On the contrary, I think it is the very worst time that could be chofen for us; as it will be looked upon as the effect of fear, and diffuse the fame fpirit, in fome degree, through different ranks of men.

The improbability of any thing arifing from this conference, leading to a just and honorable peace, might be fhewn by arguments too numerous to be even fo much as named. But what I fhall only mention is, that we are abfolutely certain, from every circumftance, from all the proceedings at home, and lord Howe's own explicit declaration in his letter to Dr. Franklin, that he never will acknowledge the independence of the American States.

I obferved that one or two members faid, in objection to the report of the board of war, that it was like a begging of the question, and makinga preliminary of the whole subject in debate. Alas, fir, this is a prodigious mistake. It was not only not the whole, but it was properly no fubject of debate at all, till within thefe three months. We were contending for the restoration of certain privileges under the government of Great-Britain, and we were praying for re-union with her. But in the beginning of July, with the univerfal approbation of all the flates now united, we