nounced them to the nation, and chased them from their places. Dethrone me!-they would not dare!' But after a moment's pause, he addressed Fouché, who stood near him, saying, 'But it is better: let them know they shall be satisfied; but not nowto-morrow!' With these words he retired. Fouché and the Representatives interpreted them to express an intention of abdicating, and when this was conveyed to the Chamber, still sitting anxiously awaiting the decision of the council, the members exulted in vehement apostrophes, as if they had achieved the most signal of victories. 'The Emperor has abdicated!' they shouted. 'We will have neither Bonapartes nor Bourbons! Vive la nation!' In these vociferations they indulged until they exhausted their ardour, and then they separated for the night.

It has been well remarked by a historian, not otherwise distinguished for solidity of judgment, or even coolness of observation,* that Napoleon lacked boldness and resolution when not in the midst of soldiers; and in corroboration of his assertion instances the 18th Brumaire, when the firmness of Lucien saved him from the consequences of a failure, and this present crisis of his fate, when he timidly shrank from adopting the courageous counsel of that same Lucien. It is undoubted that during this eventful day of the 21st of June he exhibited an indecision and vacillation which provoked Lucien into the remark, that the smoke of Mont St Jean had confused his brain. When he left the army to take care of itself, and hastened to Paris after his defeat, his conduct, so reprehensible in a military point of view, could have but one interpretation, apart from his fear of being taken prisoner, which was not a probable event-namely, the motive of preventing the Chambers from passing any hostile measures, or, if they proved refractory, of dissolving them and seizing absolutely upon the government. This, indeed, was so well understood, that the popular leaders instantly took the alarm, and procured the adoption of the five resolutions proposed by Lafayette, the first of which declared the independence of the country to be menaced, and the second denounced as a traitor any one who should attempt to dissolve the legislature. These measures were levelled directly at Napoleon, and they appear to have completely disconcerted him. In vain Lucien, Labédoyere, Flahault, and others of his more eager partisans, urged him strenuously not to hesitate a moment, but at once to dissolve the Chambers by force, as the only resource left him for the maintenance of his power. Before taking so decisive and perilous a step, however, he consulted other and more discreet counsellors, particularly Caulaincourt and Carnot, who dissuaded him from risking an enterprise which would almost surely end in his irretrievable ruin, since it was

* Montgaillard, Hist. de France depuis Louis XVI., tome viii. p. 221.

certain that the National Guards would muster in defence of the legislature. Thus distracted by opposing counsels, he allowed the precious time to elapse, until the project, if it were ever feasible, which is extremely doubtful, had become utterly impracticable; and in the conflict he must needs succumb, too happy if, by the sacrifice of himself, he could avail to save his dynasty by the substitution of his son. This was the last hope to which he could cling, and the wily Fouché encouraged it in him, the more readily to extort his act of abdication. Accordingly, after a night passed in anxiety and agitation, during which Napoleon paced up and down his room, at one time vowing he would grind these churls of Representatives to the dust, at another threatening to end his life, since he had no further object on earth, he agreed to the ultimatum of his abdication, clogged with the condition in favour of his son. The important document was signed on the morning of the 22d, only the fourth day after the battle of Waterloo, and was presented by Fouché to the Chamber of Representatives at its matutinal sitting of nine o'clock. It was thus couched ::-

In commencing the war to maintain the national independence, I counted on the union of all efforts, of all inclinations, and of all the national authorities. I had good reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the powers against me.

Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself as a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their declarations, and have really directed their hostility only against my person! My political life is terminated, and I proclaim my son, under the title of Napoleon II., Emperor of the French.

The present ministers will, provisionally, form the council of government. The interest which I feel in my son induces me to invite the Chambers to organise without delay the regency by a law.

'Let all unite for the public safety and the maintenance of the national independence. (Signed) NAPOLEON.'

The Representatives received this missive with unequivocal marks of satisfaction, and nominated a deputation with Lanjuinais, president of the Chamber, at its head, to wait upon the late Emperor, and thank him, in the name of France, for his patriotic sacrifice; but not an expression, not a symptom, was given of adherence to the new government of Napoleon II. The deputation was received by the Emperor with all the ceremony and pomp of a monarch, surrounded by his principal officers of state; but he evinced evident displeasure when the president concluded his address without any allusion to the succession of

his son. In his answer he again repeated his exhortations in favour of unanimity and the preparation of means of defence, and concluded with an emphatic announcement that his abdication was conditional, and comprehended the interests of his son. Lanjuinais replied, with profound respect, that upon the subject of the future government of France he had no instructions from the Chamber. Irritated at this illusory rejoinder, Napoleon turned to his brother Lucien, who stood by his side, and said to him, This is just what I expected-the knaves!' Again addressing himself to Lanjuinais, he reiterated his declaration in yet harsher tones. Tell the Chamber from me,' he said, that I have abdicated solely in favour of my son, and that I commend him to its protection.' So saying, he abruptly closed the audience, and the deputation retired to report his words to the Assembly of Representatives.

If the second branch of the legislature, however, were thus cold and adverse towards the imperial dynasty, it was judged that the Chamber of Peers, holding nominations directly from the Emperor, might be more readily influenced to declare in its behalf, and thus give an example of great moral weight. In consequence, after that body had assembled, and heard the act of abdication read, Lucien, Joseph, Labédoyere, Lavalette, and others of the party, entered the hall with plumed hats and in court dresses, when Lucien, advancing into the midst, cried out in a loud voice, The Emperor is politically dead. Long live the Emperor Napoleon the Second!' But this theatrical display failed in its effect, and few responses were given to the exclamation. Indeed several voices were raised in opposition; and the Count de Pontecoulant, in particular, asked by what right Lucien, an Italian prince,* and an alien, presumed to name a sovereign to the French people. This singular question roused to the fullest pitch the ire of the whole imperial party. Lucien replied with great warmth that he was a Frenchman by his sentiments and by virtue of the laws. Labédoyere started to his feet in violent agitation. The resignation of the Emperor is null, he cried, 'unless his son be instantly proclaimed his successor. And who are they who resist it? They who have worshipped at the footstool of their sovereign when in prosperity, who basely fly from him in adversity, and who are already preparing to receive the yoke of foreigners.' Loud murmurs interrupted the speaker, but they only roused him to increased fury. With passionate gesticulations, and in stentorian tones, he continued: 'Yes, I say, if you refuse to acknowledge the imperial prince, I for my part declare that Napoleon must again draw his sword. At the head of the brave Frenchmen who have bled in his cause we will rally round

* During his residence at Rome, Lucien had accepted from the Pope a patent granting him the title of Prince of Canino.

him; and wo to base deserters who are meditating fresh treasons! I demand that they be impeached, their names given to infamy, their houses razed, their families all proscribed and exiled. We will tolerate no traitors amongst us. Napoleon, in resigning his power to save the nation, has done his duty; but the nation is not worthy of him, since he has been a second time compelled to abdicate.' Indignant exclamations broke from the majority of the Assembly, and drowned the voice of the infuriated orator. Yet again his accents rose above the clamour. Is it then decided,' he shouted, 'that no voice is ever to be heard in this Chamber but that of baseness? What other has been heard for the last ten years?' These last words excited a general tumult, and the veteran Massena exclaimed, 'Do you think you are in the mess-room of the Guards? You forget yourself. Still excited, but abashed at the general outcry against him, Labédoyere rushed furiously from the hall.

After this extraordinary scene had ceased, one equally stormy and yet more surprising ensued. It was the peculiarity of Napoleon, in the utter selfishness and hard egotism of his character, to shift all blame from himself on the occasion of any reverse by charging it on others; whether justly or not, was indifferent to him. Thus in his bulletin of the battle of Waterloo, after allowing the full extent of the disaster, he ascribed the unfortunate issue of the campaign to three untoward circumstances wholly independent of him. 1st, The desertion of General Bourmont, an old Breton leader, who went over to the enemy on the night before the French army crossed the Sambre, and thus undoubtedly gave Blucher a few hours' earlier warning of the intended operation than he could have otherwise obtained; * 2dly, The lack of promptitude and the incapacity of Marshal Ney in his attack on Quatre-Bras; 3dly, The stupidity or treachery of Marshal Grouchy in pursuing his movement against the Prussians instead of hastening to Waterloo, although that marshal acted on his own reiterated instructions, and thus remained exposed to an unjust calumny, by the force of which he was malevolently persecuted for the rest of his life. At the imputation thrown out against Ney, it was natural that that illustrious warrior should be deeply incensed. He likewise had forsaken the army, and followed Napoleon to Paris, boiling with rage and vexation. He attended the Chamber at this memorable sitting; and when Davout, who filled the post of minister of war, appeared in the tribune, and presented a report on the state of the army, which he

* Blucher was a very rough, but honourable man, and he took no pains to conceal the disgust with which he regarded Bourmont. To reconcile him, some of his officers pointed to the white cockade which Bourmont wore in his hat, as an evidence of his correct principles. It is of little consequence,' exclaimed the honest veteran, 'what a man sticks in his hat for a mark-a scoundrel remains a scoundrel. A blunt, but nevertheless a very true and philosophical remark.

described as concentrated around Laon to the number of 60,000 men, all in complete order under the command of Marshal Grouchy, with 200 pieces of cannon, Ney suddenly started forward, and with a wild gesture cried out, 'It is false! It is false ! It is a mere attempt to deceive you. One who saw the disastrous day of the 18th knows that we cannot have 60,000 soldiers collected together or even under arms. Grouchy cannot have under him 20,000, or at the utmost 25,000 men. The enemy is already at Nivelles 80,000 strong, and he may, if he pleases, be at Paris in six days. There is nothing to stop him. That is the true state of the case. There is no safety for France but in instant propositions for peace.' Carnot and Flahault here interposed, and denied the correctness of Ney's assertions. But he repeated them in still more sinister terms, and at length came out with a declaration which occasioned intense excitement. Yes, I say it again,' he exclaimed; 'the only course left you is to negotiate-in a word, you must recall the Bourbons. Furious shouts assailed him for this unwelcome intimation, and Lavalette, in particular, betrayed an indignation which sought vent in the most injurious reproaches. The bravest of the brave,' as Napoleon had delighted to designate him, was, however, not to be cowed by brawlers in a senate-house; and he observed with an expression of scorn, 'I speak not for my own interest; I am not one of those who look to their own interest in everything. What should I gain by the restoration of Louis except being shot for desertion? I only speak the truth for the sake of my country? Astonishment was depicted in every countenance at this astounding revelation of Ney's; and the partisans of the imperial dynasty, whose object it was to infuse confidence as to the means of resistance against invasion, were struck dumb by such an avowal from so unquestionable an authority on a military subject as the indomitable Duke of Elchingen, the renowned Prince de la Moskowa, covered with the laurels of countless victories won by his unyielding valour.

Thus it happened that even the Peers eluded any express recognition of Napoleon II., and they also concurred with the Representatives in disregarding another condition of the Emperor's act of abdication, relative to the existing ministers, by the joint appointment of a Provisional Government consisting of five persons. These were Carnot, Fouché, Caulaincourt, Quinette, and Grenier, Fouché speedily contriving to get himself nominated as president. This latter personage had been, ever since the return of Napoleon to Paris, immersed in a variety of the deepest intrigues. First with the Emperor himself, whom he cajoled with the prospect of being intrusted with a dictatorship, and afterwards with that of securing the succession of his son if he himself abdicated. Again with the liberal party in the Chamber