My

rageous vice than we actually see among them. surprise is, that so many of them are brought to do what they honestly may do for their own subsistence; and, that they are not more frequently asking for what they need, or taking it unasked. Where, then, rests accountableness for their poverty, their character, their moral exposures, and the exposures of society through their lawless wants, and equally lawless dispositions and habits? A tremendous responsibility, in these respects, it seems to me lies upon the society around the poor of this class; for the causes of the degradation of these unhappy fellow beings are within the control of the society around them. The causes of this poverty are moral; and three fourths of it may be prevented by the moral agencies, which it has pleased God to place within the power of those, who form and guide the opinions, and decree and establish the usages of society. Is it asked, what are these moral preventives? I will give my own views of them as briefly as I can.

*

I would say, then, that the most important of all means for the rescue of those who are most exposed to fall into

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* How can it be, that pauperism should not extend in our city, while 700 places are licensed in it for the sale of ardent spirits; while a quart of these spirits may be obtained for ten cents, smaller sum than may be earned by the lowest laborer in an hour; and while multitudes, under the excitement and gratification thus given to their vitiated appetites, are only more happy in the indulgence of these appetites, than they are in bringing others to the level of their own debasement? Let us be instructed by the facts which are daily calling for attention to this subject. The question of the causes and remedy of pauperism is intimately cɔnnected with the cause of liberty, order, virtue and happiness, through the generations that are to follow us. us be faithful to our interests and our duties in regard to it, and God will not fail to follow our efforts with his blessing.

Let

this class of the poor, and for the security of society from the evils which are experienced, or are feared from them, is an active and prevalent sensibility in society to the true causes of their degradation; an active and prevalent sentiment in society, of the nearness of the relation, and of the identity of the interests, of all its classes and its members; and a corresponding feeling of obligation in every one, first, in no way to contribute to the production, or the maintenance of the causes of debasement and misery among his fellow creatures; and, secondly, in every way, as he has the means and opportunity, to favor and support the measures, which, under such circumstances, he shall believe to be for the greatest good of the whole, and of every member of the community. Let this sensibility, this sentiment, and this feeling of obligation be what they should be, and what christianity intends that they shall be, in those who profess to receive it, and distilleries, and dramshops, and brothels, and gambling-houses, will not be found the formidable obstacles which they now are in the way of the reformation, and salvation of hundreds of thousands of our fellow beings from sin, and ruin, and wretchedness. I thank God that there is an increasing sensibility to the causes of the greatest, and of. the most general suffering among us. But it is yet small compared with what it should be. And feeble, too, is the sentiment of the relation of men to each other, as the immortal children of the infinite Father; and, consequently, of the identity of their immediate, through that of their eternal interests. Oh, when will this sentiment become the life-spring of the connexion and intercourse of man with man! We hear much of the mighty power of public opinion. And, in truth, it has done, and is doing much for the demolition of old, and

apparently impregnable institutions ;-for the advancement of religious and civil freedom; for the abolition of slavery; for the suppression and prevention of intemperance; and for other great concerns of humanity. More, indeed, in these respects, has been achieved within the last fifty years, and through this very agency, than was accomplished by the labors of the preceding fifteen centuries. But the power which christianity would give to it, and the uses which christianity would make of it, arc, I think, yet very partially, and to a very limited extent, comprehended. Let it be brought under the guidance of the instructions of Jesus Christ, as far only as his religion is professedly received, and embued with the spirit which Christian principles would impart to it, and there are no objects to which an enlightened christian benevolence can prompt, which an enlightened christian opinion will not be able to accomplish. Let every one, then, who acknowledges the truth of christianity, be faithful to the obligations which it imposes on him. Something may be done, by means short of these, to check the progress of abject pauperism and crime. But by no other means can all the good which God has placed within our power be attained or accomplished.

But the difficulty will still recur, ( we must take the world as it is.' Be it so. The question then presents itself, suppose our poor-laws to be abolished, what immediate measures must be taken to meet the exigency?

In the first place, I would reply, that for the idle and able-bodied, the intemperate and improvident, who apply for alms, work, or the opportunity to work, should be provided. I know it will be said, that however easy it

may be found to propose this plan, it will not be found very easy of execution. Perhaps not. But is it therefore wholly impracticable? It would, indeed, be very difficult of execution, if an equal number with that of those who now make up this class of applicants for alms was continually, or even for a very long time, thus to be provided for. But suppose that our municipal authorities should advertise in all our newspapers, and even send the information from house to house, for a year, that half the average wages given to laborers who find for themselves sufficient employment, will be given by the city to the laborers who ask for alms because they cannot find employment, for each good day's work that shall be done by them in digging earth, and wheeling it on the city's lands, in the places which it is very desirable should be so improved, how much land would thus probably be brought into a state for the erection upon it of habitations for man? I do not believe that many acres would thus be added to the city. But I do believe that, by this expedient, much might be done to check the spirit of beggary, and to excite many who are now willing to live by beggary to useful industry. For a short time, I have no doubt, in case of a repeal of our poor-laws, this class of the claimants of alms, in some of our towns, would be large; and, for a long time, at least as long as every conceivable excitement to intemperance is left in their way, there will be a sufficient number of them to call for the very serious attention of the Overseers of the poor, and of the public. For this class of the poor I would not therefore wholly rely on this expedient. I would proceed a step further, and provide for them well organized Work-houses.

This measure is recommended in the Report of the

Commissioners. But it is there proposed only as a measure for the protection of the industrious and the thrifty, against the demands and incursions of the idle and able-bodied.' It is therefore there recommended only on the ground of the claims of society against this class of the poor. But it ought to have been distinctly stated, and should be distinctly understood, that the claim for these establishments is quite equal on the part of those who are to be sent to them. Work-houses, and even prisons, will assume a new character, and be regarded with new associations and sentiments by society, when it shall be fully comprehended to what an extent it is the misfortune, as well as the vice of the inmates of these institutions, by which they are brought to them. I have referred to the circumstances by which great numbers are brought into this class of the poor, and I will not here dwell upon them. I say only, that if society have a right to demand protection from them,and I admit this right, they, too, have some corresponding claims upon the sympathy of society. I do not say that they have a claim to alms, as such; for, in proportion as a reliance is had simply on alms for their relief, the very means of relief are also means of confirming and extending the evil. This reliance has indeed done very much to extend, and to perpetuate the evil. But it still may be a noble charity to found a Workhouse, which, while it gives support, and requires compensation for it from him who shall receive it, at the same time confers, with the support so given, the unspeakably greater good of that moral instruction and discipline, which shall call forth new and better dispositions than were ever before possessed, and do what can be done for the formation and establishment of a better charac