That we may most effectually meet the wants of the poor, I would say then, first, that it should be insisted upon, that there shall be a discrimination in the distribution of alms by our charitable societies.

It is objected to these societies, that while the good which they do is partial and temporary, the evils to which they conduce are extensive and permanent. It is said that they are known to the poor, and have consequently a direct tendency to increase a willingness to be dependent; that they do, and often must, support the idle in their indolence, and furnish to the intemperate the means of living in their sin; that they are exposed to almost every species of deception, which they have not the means of detecting; and that they are among the most powerful of the influences, by which the most dependent, and often the worst among the poor, are brought into the city, and are retained here. I have stated these objections strongly, and I am aware that these societies are exposed to them. Acting as they do, independently of each other, they must often commit great mistakes, and occasion no inconsiderable evil. But is this evil necessary? It cannot be denied, that these societies give great relief to many of the poor, who could hardly, in any other way, be so efficiently assisted. They are useful, also, to the several members who compose them, by calling forth, and exercising, an excellent spirit of Christian benevolence. And they give a frequently renewed excitement to the benevolence of those who contribute to their support. These are circumstances of good too important to be lost, if the evils to which we have referred may be remedied. And is there no adequate remedy for these evils? Or, may they not so far be checked, that they shall no longer be considered as powerful objections to this mode of exercising charity? I am not willing to believe that the case is hopeless.

It should be known, that our benevolent societies pro

fess, and really endeavour, to maintain the principle of discrimination in the exercise of their charities. They visit the families which apply for their bounty, and learn what they can respecting their characters, as well as their wants. The difficulty however is, that, as they now act, without any communication with each other, they do, and necessarily must, interfere with each other. They must depend alone on those whom they relieve, for a knowledge of what is done for them by others; and they do, and can know, little more of those who receive their bounty, than may be learned from themselves, or from their poor neighbors, who may be interested either to uphold, or to injure them. But is it not practicable, that there should be an understanding, and a concert of action, between these societies? Can no plan be devised for their closer union with each other; or, by which they may know what is done by each other, and by the overseers of the poor in the wards in which they severally act?

If the information which I have obtained on the subject be correct, there are five principal, and eight or nine smaller benevolent female societies. These, with the Howard Benevolent Society, are the associations to which the poor in general look for relief. There are indeed other ocieties for the assistance of the necessitous; such as the English Society, the Scotch Society; societies formed by journeymen mechanics, and supported by annual subscriptions among themselves, for aid to each other in a time of want; and various other benevolent associations for specific purposes, which do not appeal to the public for their funds. In regard to some of these, there seems to be but little danger of a misapplication of their charity. It is charity exercised toward brothe s in a trade, or towards associates in a time of peculiar calamity. But in respect to the others, which have more enlarged and general objects, without some understand

ing of each other's procedures, and some concert of action, there must indeed, till some great moral revolution shall be effected in society, be a constant exposure to a mistaken, and even to a very injurious distribution of alms. Is it asked, how shall we obviate these evils? I have thought much upon this subject, and was long in doubt respecting the best course that can be taken in regard to it. I have wished, if it were possible, that all our female benevolent societies might be merged into one, which should be auxiliary to the Howard Society. And when satisfied of the impracticability of attaining this end, I have been about to propose, that each of these societies should be distinct auxiliaries of the Howard Society; and at short, and frequently recurring intervals, should render to it an account of its receipts, its expenditures, and of the individuals or families relieved by it. But this scheme, also, I found to be complicated with insuperable difficulties. Nor, upon a careful examination of it, should I feel a strong confidence in its results, even if we could obtain its adoption. The most simple measure of which I can conceive for this purpose, and the only one by which I believe the object can be gained, is, that a registry shall be made every week, in a book kept for the purpose in the office of the overseers of the poor, of each individual relieved by the overseers during the week, within their respective wards, and of the amount of the relief thus given; and that a weekly report shall in like manner be made, at the same office, by each of the agents of our benevolent societies. One book may contain these transactions of all these societies, and one book also those of the overseers of the poor; and any individual, as well as these overseers and agents, who shall then wish for information respecting any one, for the better guidance of his own judgment in his charities, by applying at the overseers' office, may in a few moments acquire the information, which it would now

take as many days to obtain. This, I repeat, in my opinion, will be the most effectual remedy of the evil; and the good which will be so obtained, will be an abundant compensation for its cost. A considerable increase of duty will thus indeed devolve on the clerk of the overseers of the poor. But our benevolent societies will find it for their advantage to remunerate him for this service, for I have no doubt whether this measure would give thirty three and a third per cent additional value to their funds. At all events, one of these measures, or some other plan for the same end, should be demanded till it is obtained. If the administrators of the public bounty will agree upon any scheme, by which they may be secured against interference with each other, and by which the individuals relieved by them may be known by those who may wish to know them, they will at once be able far more effectually to meet the wants of the poor, and will save thousands of dollars to the city.

In the second place, I think it to be of great importance, that immediate, and more vigorous measures should be adopted, for preventing the accumulation of foreign poor in the city.

There would, in truth, be no difficulty in providing for all our native poor, if it were for them only that we were called to make provision. But vast numbers of the poor of other countries are thrown upon us; and,—I say it not in the spirit of reproach,—they are taking the bread of our own children. They are here, and must have their share of the labors of the poor, and of the bounty which we have to bestow upon the poor. But a remedy for this evil is not more demanded for the virtue and well being of a city, than it is for the best good of those whom we would thus restrain from seeking a dwelling place among us. Unhappily, it has been thought to be good policy, to encourage emigration to our country; and we have held out the lure to the restless and discontented

throughout the world, as well as to the enterprising and virtuous, that, after two years declaration of their intention to be citizens, and five years residence, they may be naturalized, if two individuals will testify that, in the sense of law, they are moral men. The grossest impositions, too, it is well known, have been practised by some of the poorest who come to our country, in order to bring here others of their own countrymen. Is it asked, what remedy is proposed for this evil? I answer, we require new legislative provisions in regard to the foreign poor who are brought among us. Masters of vessels are now alone liable for the passengers they may land upon our shores; and bonds can be required of them, only by the authorities of the towns in which they may land their passengers. The laws, therefore, respecting these poor, are easily evaded; for passengers of this description, I am told, are put on shore at places, from which they can easily come to the city, while those who bring them, being thus exempted from the bonds that would be required if they were landed here, are under little or no check upon the question, whether they may bring as many as can collect money enough to pay for their voyage to our country. So, however, it would not be,-certainly not to an equal extent,—if owners of vessels shall be made liable for the passengers that are brought out in their vessels ; and if the selectmen, or the civil authorities of any town, by ascertaining in what vessels any vagrant poor were brought to our country, may prosecute these owners for damages, whether the men were landed in their town or city, or any where else within the State. Let a remedy of the evil be sought here, and the example will probably be followed by other States. If the object can be attained by any other, and better course, let it be adopted. But something should be done in the cause, and something must be done, or the evil may, in no long time, be irremediable. Measures also should be taken, in regard