Εικόνες σελίδας
Ηλεκτρ. έκδοση

not then with us. I was anxious while rousing the last of private suffrage but has been sanctioned by the deliberate these three parties, not to alarm the other two. I was judgment of the treasury and the India Board. Under desirous of calling forth no enemy, and of ensuring to these circumstances, there could be no impropriety in the cause as many friends as possible. I dreaded wasting endeavouring to assist Government in carrying out the time and losing strength in discussing points of detail, plan which two of its boards have admitted to be the all that we could command both of time and strength best. One of the principal reasons for the hesitation of were required to draw attention to the principle. It is Government to act upon its own views, is probably the not vanity to say that no man in this country is better apprehension that public opinion is not prepared to sup acquainted than I am with the difficulties which stand port them. This belief if it exists is certainly erroneous, in our way, and I can testify that we had no strength and the most ready and complete way of removing it to spare and no time to waste. I might have taken would be by petitions emanating from a public meeting the course which it seems now to have been desired that in the city of London. The objection to this proposition I should take, but I conscientiously believe, that the formerly existing in the mind of Sir John Hobhouse may result would have been a considerable loss of friends, not continue in its full strength, and in whatever degree increase distaste to the question in the higher quarters, it may remainit might probably be removed by a proper and comparative indifference on the part of the public. application. Whenever I had an opportunity of safely enforcing the advantages of the extended plan I availed myself of it; and if I had not been constantly thwarted in my desire to aid the cause in public meetings, those opportunities would have been much more numerons. Let me here call attention to the resolutions prepared by me for the public meeting which I was anxious should take place in the city of London, and which at one period had sanguine hopes of obtaining. One of these resolutions refers expressly to the beneficial effects of the proposed steam communication in reference to China, the Indian Archipelago and Australia. This implies the adoption of the most comprehensive plan of communication, and the resolution was expressly framed to imply this without calling for opposition or alarm. The same view was embodied in a clause of the proposed petition. That these meetings which I had projected with others all over the country, did not take place, is no fault of mine; 1 laboured incessantly to obtain them, but in vain. Had I been successful upon this point we should have been armed with a strength which could not have been resisted, and I have no doubt, that by this time we should have had the extended plan in operation, I submit then, that it is both harsh and unjust to cast blame on me for the consequences of a course for which I am not responsible, and which I resisted to the full measure of my power.

In evidence of my zeal and of the object to which it was directed, I refer to the following letter addressed by me to the Home Committee on the 16th May last. The Right Hon'ble Lord WM. BENTINCE.




WM. CRAWFOrd, Esq.


London, 16th May, 1837.

To this end the good offices of Lord William Bentinck might be requisite.

His Lordship's influences it may be hoped, would be successful in obtaining the consent of the President of the Board of Contreal to the adoption of a measure which is resorted to in all cases of public interest, and is usually found far more efficient in promoting a desired object than any other means which can be used.




The home committee of From the moment that we obtained the ear of the pub>the Bengal lic and of the authorities, 1 avowed publicly as I had com- before done privately, my advocacy of the extended plan: could I then take this step without comproinising the interests of my coustituents, and I lost not a moment when the proper time arrived.

The question of steam communication with India has undoubtedly made some progress in the quarters where alone the power resides of carrying it into full effect.

The line to India will probably soon be perfected by extending the communication already established between England and Alexandria to Suez, Mocha, and Bombay; and there is reason to hope that some additional facilities may be afforded by occasional recourse to the new line of packets about to be formed in the Mediterrannean by the French Government, aided by overland communication to and from Marseilles.

This appears to be the extent of what is at present to be looked for, and though it is to a certain degree satis factory, it is obviously less than is required either by the wishes or the necessities of the Indian community. No plan will meet their views and interests which does not embrace a monthly communication will all the presiden cies; and so long as it is confined to one, the advautages contemplated must be very imperfectly realized.

Deprived of those public means which would have been most efficacious, I was thrown entirely upon the use of private efforts; and to these I devoted myself to the injury of my health and to the neglect of my personal interests, amid a host of obstacles which would have deter. red any man who did not despise both ease and self-advantage when they stand in the way of his duty. I experienced much anxiety and subjected myself to an overwhelming mass of labour, but I have the satisfaction of knowing that it was not altogether in vain. Obstacles gradually disappeared, the public become interested in the question, hostility diminished. One of the home authorities consented to admit the principle which it had always before steadily rejected, the other avowed itself a convert to the extended plan. Are these things nothing? Or have they been effected without human agency? What share I have had in producing them I leave to others to declare, and I may appeal to two of the warmest, most judicious, and most intelligent friends of the extended plan, Lord Wm, Bentinck and Mr. Turton, for justice to myself, as well as to your lome Com. mittee.

The expectations of India on this point are reasonable, and the object to which they point undoubtly practica

I would call especial attention to my evidence before the late Parliamentary Committee, and to a paper for merly transmitted to you, which I had proposed to tender as my evidence.

Time will not allow me to enter into particulars so fully as I could wish, and indeed the vague nature of the charge against me renders it impossible for me to know to what particulars 1 ought especially to speak. On the fifth of August last, I addressed a letter to you containing a brief review of my proceedings with a statement of some of the reasons by which they had been governed, enclose a copy of that letter now and request that it may be considered as a part of my present communication, and submitted with it to the subscribers.

I know that I have served them zealously and I believe discreetly. I cannot believe that they will eventually blame me for a discretion which has saved their cause from being wrecked, and in the anticipation of the return of more kindly feelings I suspend until this communicaion has been considered the proceedings which would finally dissolve a connection which I have always felt

The home committee will meet on the 20th proximo, I found advocates indeed in those who had studied the when they will have an opportunity of passing judgment upon my conduct. I fully believe that it will be a most favorable one, and as they have had the best means of observation I need not say that whatever it may be, it will merit the highest respect.

I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient servant, (Signed) R. M. GRINDLAY. London, 30th September, 1837.

question and understood its practical bearings; but these persons were few, and unfortunately not in the most influential stations. The Court of Directors twice rejected the plan in any form; and the evidence of Sir John Hobhouse will shew how strong was the feeling against it. stagnant power of public opinion had been effectually In the legislature nothing was to be hoped for, until the stirred; the Bombay petition had been presented by the President of the India Board, but this step so far from creating any interest corresponding with the magnitude of the question did not even elicit a single remark. The Houses of Parliament partook fully of the public torpor.


In this state of things the obvious course was to proceed gradually, but steadily in the work of awakening and enlightening the public mind on the subject which we had at heart, and the greatest caution was necessary to avoid the danger of throwing over the plan altogether, possibly for years. It was necessary not to claim too

London, 5th August, 1837. To C. B. GREENLAW, ESQ. Secretary to the Bengal Steam Fund, Calcutta. SIR, -From the period when I had the honor of un-much at once lest both the public and the Government dertaking the charge which the committee at Calcutta should become alarmed, and indifference should be exwere pleased to entrust to me, I have kept them conchanged for what would have been still worse, obstinate tinually advised of the steps which had been taken to resistance. It was necessary, indeed, to divert attention advance the question, and of the degree of success by exclusively to the Red Sea, and to maintain the supewhich they had been attended. With regard to our proriority of that line over every other; but this ground gress previously to the 1st of June, I can have therefore being taken as the basis of the movement, it was desirabut little that is new to communicate; but the trans-ble to avoid controversy as far as it was possible. It was These were the principles which I laid down for my own desirable to make no enemy and to lose no friends. guidance, and on them I have invariably acted.

mission of the report of the committee of the House of Commons appointed during the last sessions, appears to me to be a proper occasion for taking a very brief retrospect of our proceedings, By looking at the state of the question when it was first taken up, comparing it with its present position, and observing the intermediate steps by which the change has been effected, we shall, I think, be enabled better to understand and appreciate both our prospects during the past, and our prospects for the

The first public step taken by me was the insertion of the circular in the Times newspaper of the 29th of September. The circulation and influence of this journal are such as to render it the best vehicle for preparing the public mind and giving it a required direction upon any subject. Having commenced the moment in this widely read and influential journal, I continued it by publica


Previously to my being honored by the first instructions in various papers and periodicals, the majority of which are named in the margin. tions from my constituents in India, I had devoted my attention to the subject of steam communication, but appearances here were of the most dark and discouraging description. To say that the public generally and even the more intelligent part of them were indifferent on the subject will not convey an adequate idea of the prevailing state of feeling. That state was apathy at its extreme point-if I might be allowed to add a superlative to a superlative-I would say at its most extreme point.

The ignorance prevailing upon the subject equalled I may remark that as Parliament was not sitting, our the indifference, and was indeed in a great degree the only course was to endeavour to act upon the public; cause of it. Many perhaps a majority of those who took and the general apathy on which I have already dwelt, the trouble of ever bestowing a thought on the subject, would indeed have made this advisable though Parlia believed the design to be about as practicable as a pro- ment had not been prorogued. The memorandum posal for a communication by balloon. Others who dated the 3d October, details the various modes by which did not deny a steam communication with India to be I proposed to prepare the way for opening the Parlia within the limits of possibility, were frightened at the mentary contest with effect. It will be recollected that enormous expence which they believed necessary to es- a plan was laid down for a series of public meetings and tablish and keep it up. Others again were insensible of petitions emanating from those meetings. I was es to the advantage of such a communication, and many pecially anxious upon this point, because it would have commercial men of eminence believed that it would be given us opportunities of doing that which could not be prejudicial to existing interests of greater importance done safely in any other way. Had the proposed meetthan those which it was proposed to serve. This difficulings taken place, they might have led without difficulty ty was especially felt by Major Head in his endeavors to to the adoption in their petition, of language utterly inconobtain subscribers to his scheme, and the fact that his sistent with any system of communication, but that which project received such slender encouragement, at a period is the best and most desirable, namely, the most comprewhen the mania for joint stock speculation was raging hensive. at its greatest height, must be regarded as a convincing proof how little disposed the people of this country were to promote the object which in India was felt to be of such existing interest, Worse than all, those in authority were either against us, or not decidedly with us. The Euphrates expedition was then in progress, it was a favorite in high quarters, the most sanguine hopes were entertained of its success, and it was distinctly asserted that the conveyance of letters by that route, was all that the public had a right to expect, and all that the

To illustrate this I may refer to the draft of the proposed London petition. The London meeting, had it taken place, would, in all probability, have been composed of persons of every possible degree of information and every possible shade of opinion. At such a ineeting where many would know little or nothing of the subject, where many more were but half friends or perhaps concealed enemies, and where another portion would probably be enamoured of some favorite plan of their own,

that my labors were not in vain. On receiving the Com. Thus far I acted solely on my own views and I believe mittee's instructions I placed myself in communication with Lord William Bentinck and the gentlemen appointed to act as a home committee.

From this period my system of operations under their sanction has been so fully and regularly submitted to your notice, that a mere glance at them will be sufficient.

ventured might now be hazarded. I therefore prepared and published my pamphlet. I was convinced by this time the public would read such a work, which at an early period they would not. §

and consequently indisposed to tolerate any other which longer and more elaberate than any which had yet bes is threatened to interfere with it, in such a meeting, ands with public opinion uninformed and wandering, the friend of a communication with all the ports of India could not venture to speak out as decidedly as they could wish, but the communication contemplated in the petition drafted for that meeting is with "India and China" without mitation, the widest extension which the most arden friends of the plan could desire. By such a mode of advancing the comprehensive plan we should have es caped opposition, at the same time that we had a prospect of enlisting on our side, interests not immediately connected with India. I have coutinually regretted the disappointment of my views with regard to public meet ings, and for no cause more than for this, that we lost the opportunity of pledging the petitioners to the extended plan, and of acting upon the Government in its favor, with the full force of their united influence.

One difficulty was thus removed, but others remained in full force. We had raised so much of sympathy in the public mind that we might fairly expect by a further effort to excite much more, but there was still the risk of going too fast, of overrunning public opinion, of exciting collision ond calling forth opposition, and, I must add, my conviction, that a very slight opposition would have been fatal to all our hopes! it was necesesary, therefore, to say only so much as would be received without very great difficulty, and thus prepare the way for the rest, which might follow in due time. I must confess that I looked with much anxiety to the reception of that pamphlet. I did not feel quite assured that the public appetite was prepared for it, and I was in some fear that either it might excite no attentton, or might provoke some hosti

It is indeed useless to regret that which has passed, but it is necessary in this case to advert to it, in order to shew that the plan was arranged so as to carry the petility. With regard to the latter point I was fortunate, the tioners the full length that could be desired.* only discontent called forth was from the advocates of the Euphrates plan; as to the effect of the pamphlet I was still more fortunate, and I need only refer in proof of this to the immense number of notices referred to in the margin. || I am informed by those well acquainted with literary affairs, that the circumstance is nearly if not altogether without parallel, except in the case of some work of general literature, emanating from an author of distinguished name, and calculated for popular reading and enterainment. It may be proper to state that the notices were the actual productions of the parties having the literary management of the publications in which they appeared-care was taken that the pamphlet was placed before them, but no means were used to influence their judgment. Their unanimity may, I think, therefore, be accepted as a proof that whether or not I dis played any great portion of talent, I was at least not deficient in the equally indispensable quality of judgment. I excited attention without creating opposition, and this effect is attributable to the cautious avoidance of all This paper was circulated throughout every part of the controversial master as far as was consistent with the gekingdom. Articles in the various literary journals men-neral advocacy of any particular plan. These testitioned in the margin succeeded.‡ monials were not without effect; some who had been

The press was another engine of which I proposed that we should liberally avail ourselves. In commencing this branch of operation it appeared to me desirable to fix attention by issuing something very brief, but to the purpose. As opinion then was, a great mass of printed papers would not have been read. Selection and compression were necessary; in making a choice among the materials received from India it was due both to my constituents and the cause that the views both of Calcutta and Madras should be presented to the public here. To effect this object I printed the Calcutta circular, the Calcutta petition and the Madras petition preceded by a short appeal in favor of the communication "with all parts of India." A map accompanied, which was made the means of silently advancing the more perfect plan of communication, for by pointing out the route to each of the principal parts of India, it was to be inferred as a matter of course that none of them was to be neglected.t

For one important publication (the Asiatic journal) distinctly advocating the comprehensive plan, we are indebted, as I have already mentioned, to a very high authority, with whom I was in daily communication.

Attention being thus partially roused it appeared to me that a separate publication on the question, somewhat

Keene's Bath Journal; Bath Cheltenham Gazette; Cheltenham Herald; Brighton Herald; Brighton Guar dian; Brighton Patriot; Leamington Chronicle; Falmouth Packet; Chester Courant; Worcestershire Guar dian; Halifax Express; Salisbury Wilshire Herald Lincolnshire Chronicle; Doncaster Chronicle; Kent Herald; Cheltenham Chronicle; Manchester Times; Burmingham Herald; Bury Suffolk Herald; Derby and Chesterfield Reporter; Chelmsford Chronicle; Doncas ter Gazette; Glasgow Scots Times; Yorkshireman ; Kentish Chronicle; Metropolitan Conservative Journal; Sheffield Independent; North Derbyshire Chronicle; Dundee, Perth, &c. Advertiser; Berkshire Chronicle; Hereford Times; Derbyshire Courier; Tyne Mercury; Scottish Guardian; Gravesend Journal; Glasgow Con

• Times, 9th September; Naval and Military Gazette, 10th September; Atlas, 11th September; Times, 13th September; Morning Gazette 23d September; Morning Herald, 30th September ; Atlas, 24 October; Times, 5th Oct.; Atlas, 9th Oct.; Times, 10th Nov.; Atlas 6,13,20; Morning and Railway Gazette, 26th Nov., Liverpool Mail, 29th; Atlas, 4, 11, Dec.; Sheffield Mercury, 3d Dec.

Manchester Guardian, 30th Dec.; Asiatic Journal 1st Dec.; Times, 9th Dec.; Times, 4th and 5th Jan.;stitutional; York Courant. Morning Post, 4th; Atlas, 8th Jan.; Steam Navigation Gazette, 7th Jan; Times 23d Jan.; Chronicle, 25th Jan. ;Examiner, 22d; Railway Gazette, 23d Jan.; Asi. atic Journal, 1st Feb.; Morning Chronicle,23d March; Morning Advertizer, 24th March; Times, 30th May; Times 8th June; Atlas, 4th and 11th June; Times and Morning Herald, 16th June; Times, 4th July; Atlas, 2d July.

Asiatic Journal, 1st Oct. ; United Service Jourual; Asiatic Journal; Examiner; Morning Post; Atlas; Constitutional; Morning Gazette; Prince's London Price Current; Morning Advertizer; Liverpool Journal; Liverpool Chronicle; Sheffield; Iris; Leeds Times; Farley's Bristol Journal; Hull, Rockingham, Glasgow

Dublin Evening Post; Preston Chronicle; Halifax Guardian; Morning Herald; Edinburgh Observer; Gloucester Journal; Berwick and Kelso Warder; Nottingham Journal; Kendal Mercury; Cumberland Packet; Liverpool Mail; Life Herald; Berwick Advertiser; Perthshire Courier; Devonshire Chronicle; Nottingham Mercury; Brighton Gazette; Boston Herald; Woolmer's Exeter Gazette; Coventry Herald; Devonport Independent; Nottingham Journal; Hert's Refor mer, West Briton and Cornwall Advertiser ; Edinburgh Evening Courant; North Staffordshire Mercury ; Western Luminary; Exeter Flying Post; Caledonian Mercury; Northampton Chronicle; Edinburgh Observer;


strongly, and I doubt not conscientiously opposed to every plan of steam communication with India, and others who had been specially opposed to that by the Red Sea, gave way. Government saw that the public were becom ing interested in the matter, and that something must be done; and had we been fortified by public meetings and petitions, there can be no doubt that the comprehensive scheme would have been carried at once.

At the meeting of Parliament we had made some way. We had not done then all I wished, but I had done all within my power, and we were in the condition to expect that Government should at least give us a hearing. I was anxious for the early presentation of the petitions, but difficulties arose partly from the distracted state of public business, and partly from other causes. Lord William Bentinck was desirous that we should have the co-operation of Major Head's Company; with a view of effecting this object various meetings took place which ended in nothing. Indeed had the terminations been different as far as we are concerned the ultimate result would have been the same, as Sir John Hobhouse's evidence shews that the London Steam Company had no chance whatever with the Government. During this period, as before, I continued to urge the importance of public meetings and petitions; but, unfortunately, with no better success than formerly. I was compelled, therefore, to content myself with the use of the means which fell within my personal power.

The question continued to be postponed in Parliament until its friends had reason to be sick a heart; and a main cause of this was an impression that it would be taken up by Government in a proper spirit. Our interview with the chairs and with Sir John Hob. house were considered to a certain extent satisfactory, and the declaration of the President against public meetings was held to be decisive as to their prohibition. At the same time, I could not but feel that though the chairs had expressed themselves individually favorable, this was all, and I could not but see that Sir John Hob house still retained a lingering attachment to the Euphrates plan. This feeling was so apparent, that with a view of soothing it, and thus winning a most influential man from an impracticable plan to one that was feasible. I took the opportunity afforded by second edition of my pamphlet, to offer such an explanation upon that delicate subject as I thought would be gratifying to Sir John Hobhouse and would dispel any reluctance which he might feel to a retreat from the Euphrates to the Red Sea, and the comprehensive plan. As I compromised no principle and endangered no interest of my constitutions, I thought, and still think, that I was acting prudently. I pressed the holding of public meetings though opposed by authority, but it would have been foolish to contend with authority upon a point which by the course of events was so rapidly becoming one of no practical importance.


Here in my mind arises additional reason for regretting that we did not strengthen the hands of Government by public meetings and petitions.

The letters from the treasury and from Sir John Hob. house to the court, shew, that the comprehensive plan has made its way with the Ministers of Her Majesty's Government. It was not equally successful elsewhere, and the arrangement made may be regarded as a compromise.

That under any circumstances would have been my plan had I been left to choose; it is but fair, however, to say that the state of the question as between the two authorities was kept very closely. Lord William Ben. tinck, one of the warmest advocates of the comprehensive plan, constantly expres-ed himself satisfied with our prospects, and repeatedly delayed the presentation of the petition at the suggestion of Sir John Hobhouse, who said that when prepared to state the intentions of Government, the petition would be a powerful auxiliary to him.

We know that he was friendly to the comprehensive plan; but during the month of May, I obtained private information of the possibility of an unfavorable turn, and, in consequence, addressed to the home committee a letter of which you have a copy. In this, I re-urged the necessity of public meetings and petitions on the ground that no plan would meet the wishes and views of the Indian community which did not embrace a communication with all the presidencies," and that " as the comprehensive plan had in its favor not only private suffrages but had been sanctioned by the deliberate judgment of the treasury and the India Board, there could be no impropriety in endeavouring to assist Government to carry out the plan," by the means which I recommended. You will have seen, however, that I failed to convince the committee of the necessity of this until too late, and I believe that Lord William Bentinck now considers this a subject of regret.

June and July. You are aware that Lord William BenI will not recapitulate the contents of iny letters of tinck finding that it was intended to introduce a partial measure, moved for the appointment of the select committee. I have stated that some of its members were averse to the comprehensive plan, and Sir John Hobhouse having failed in his efforts with the Court of Direchim. The consequence was that the affair was nearly tors took the advers side also and carried his party with strangled in its commencement, and nothing but the indomitable perseverance of Lord William Bentinck and diately after Sir John Hobhouse's evidence had been Mr. Mullins prevented the committee separating immeheard, without hearing any more or making any report.

On the prospects of the question I will not now speculate. Lord William intends to bring it forward, and in a future Parliament, as it is now so generally under

stood that he will have abundant aid from without and I

trust it is unnecessary for me to assure you of my unceas able to add that Lord William has repeatedly expressed ing exertions to promote it. I am truly happy in being his sense of my services, and his entire approbation of the

I need not mention that my public exertions have measure which I have throughout adopted; and I need formed, but a very small part of my labours in the not I trust add, that my best exertions will be at the comcause. No channel has been neglected through mand of the friends of the comprehensive plan, and I which an impression was likely to be made, shall co-operate in completing the object in view as and I rejoice to know that these efforts have not been zealously as I have thus far added its progress.

without effect.

After being compelled to say so much of myself it is delightful to have to bear testimony to the merits of others, render justice to the valuable services of Mr. Turton, and and I am bound to say that I feel it quite impossible to to the zeal with which he has served the cause ever since his arrival in this country.

In reviewing my own proceedings, I feel that I have acted to the best of my judgment, I mean of my present judgment as well as of my judgment at the time the dif

It seems clear that the Court of Directors would not at present yield more, and it may be presumed that Sir John Hobhouse abstained from pressing the matter fur-ferent transactions took place, and had I the same duty to ther lest he should risk that portion of it which has been perform again, I would take the same course; our tactics gained. The danger of the question being lost altogether, in this country are necessarily different from those of


There the Government is every thing, here the Govern- with effect. Gentlemen, I shall therefore propose ment is powerless, unless supported and urged forward by public opinion.

name of one who has often fulfilled the same duty upon
this most important subject, I propose to you that the
Chief Justice be requested to take the chair.

I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedt. servt.
(Signed) R. M. GRINDLAY.


Secretary to the New Bengul Steam Fund. SIR,-We have heretofore abstained from reporting the progress in this country of the question of steam communication with India, because we understand that Capt. Grindlay transmitted monthly a detailed account of such particulars as would keep you duly acquainted with the course of events here. Our object having now been partially attained we feel called upon to congratulate you upon the degree of success which has attended our exertions, and to express our earnest hope that the step which has been gained is but the prelude to complete realization of our wishes, and that a few months will produce the extension of the communication to all the principal ports of India. You are aware how zealously the comprehensive scheme has always been supported by your late Governor-General. The opinion

which he has hitherto maintained he continues to hold, and is prepared to assert them in the next session of Par liament, when the subject will be again pressel upon the notice of the legislature. Great caution has been neces

sary to avoid ruining our prospects altogether by too much rapidity of action, but we have now gained a point from which we cannot be driven, and the possession of which will enable us to advance with greater certainty

and confidence.

We forward a memorandum which will convey some knowledge of the difficulties with which we have had to contend, difficulties which could only be surmounted by the operation of time aided by caution and discretion. Captain Grindlay has devoted his time almost exclusively to the furtherance of your views, and has constantly been engaged both publicly and privately in promoting their success. As we have had opportunities of becoming acquainted with his labours not enjoyed by his constituents in India, we think it due to him to bear testimony to the unwearied zeal, judgment and assiduity, with which he has sought to advance their interest, and to express our entire satisfaction with his conduct throughout the proceedings in which we have been engaged.

[Hurkaru, Jan. 4,

Sir E. Ryan.-Gentlemen, my excellent friend the High Sheriff, having selected me to fill the chair at this meeting and you having been pleased to express your approval of his nomination, I with pleasure assume a duty connected with a subject upon which, it is true, that I have always and do take the deepest interest. Upon for me to enlarge at the present moment, my sentiments the general merits of the subject it will not be necessary have often been expressed, and before I make any allow the proposed resolutions to be submitted to the further observations on the subject, it will be better to consideration of the meeting.

In whatever light we regard the great question of Steam Communication with Great Britain, whether as public men, or as private individuals, as members of the community, or as fathers, husbands, or guardians,-in every relation of life shall we find the vast importance of this great improvement in the means of distant and rapid intercommunication, between the metropolitan What father of a family, country and her colonies. does not appreciate the immense value of the means of learning the progress of his distant progeny, their health and happiness within a comparatively unimportant interval of time? Who, looking at the subject as a public

We have the honor to be, Sir, your most obdt. servts., man, can regard with indifference the vast improvements which will be derived to commerce in general? What boundless advantages will this country enjoy in the ra



King's Arms Yard, London, Aug. 4, 1837.

W. FLETCHER, Sd. by MR. MACKILLOP, pid communication of the discoveries of the western world in the arts and the sciences! Of what inestimable value towards the civilization of the East must be the full and rapid communication of European knowledge, and the wisdom of the West! To every missionary of religi on, to every traveller in search of knowledge, as well as to every servant civil or military of the Company, is this subject of deepest interest. It is a project which like the discovery of the mariner's compass or invention of printing, must produce consequences which it is beyond the view of human speculation to embrace, In such a case, and to promote such an object, I cannot but feel that I am justified now in coming forward as I did five years ago for the same purpose. Nothing, indeed, can be contemplated as so wonderfully calculated to promote the interests of humanity as the invention of locomotion by means of steam; and as regards India, the present moment appears to present a crisis, which not only justifies but demands the support of all, and of every character in promoting the scheme in its largest and most comprehensive extent, an object upon which such an intensity of feeling pervades all India. Our great business is, by manifesting our own anxiety and eagerness to kindle the


The Steam Meeting at the Town Hall on Thursday was very numerously attended. At a little after ten the Sheriff took the chair and read the requisition on occasion of which the meeting had been called, and having so done, he proceeded as follows: Gentlemen, had the occasion upon which we meet to day, been a matter of an ordinary nature or of minor importance, I should have desired, as Ishould have considered it my duty, to preside at it; but when I take into consideration the intensity of interest that is felt upon the question we are met to consider, and the peculiar position in which it is placed as respects the authorities at home, I think that I shall best fulfil my duty by proposing that the chair


been much better pleased if the duty of proposing the The Lord Bishop then rose and said, I should have first resolution, had been entrusted into other hands, had the occasion upon which we have met together, been one of ordinary import or of common character. The retired and sacred nature of my profession would render it improper and unbecoming in me to take a prominent part on occasions of meetings for ordinary purposes or subject whereupon an intensity of feeling pervades the a view to objects of doubtful utility; but on a public mind, and were the question under discussion may be considered as embracing all the interests of humanity, and in its consequences calculated materially which regarded in its influence upon all the benevolent to affect the whole well being of society; on a question relations of life, is boudless in its scope, on such an occasion I deem it not only not uubecoming, bud entirely consistent with my more immediately sacret duties, to exert my voice in support of that which is calculated to prove so eminently, coducive to the benefit of mankind.

« ΠροηγούμενηΣυνέχεια »