agree with you, that many things want mending among us: but I fear the governed are as much to blame as the governors. The nation indeed is a

mass of corruption; and throwing it into a new form will not mend it. If North America prosper under her new government, the cause is principally to be found in the moral state of the inhabitants. The way for the people to reform the government obviously is, by choosing, without any recompense, the most honest men they can find, for members of parlia ment: but, if the senators' votes are bought by ministers, the electors' votes are bought by senators, not only in the rotten boroughs, but in capital cities, and counties; and almost every voter, like Esau, sells his birthright, and then is angry that he has it not. If we could see that the counties and large cities and towns made an honest use of their privilege, and that bribery was the effect of inadequate representation, I should then be of opinion that a reform would do good; at present, I fear it would make bad worse, at least no better: for who almost is there that does not vote from interest rather than from judgment. I fear we are nearly ripe for vengeance: my views are gloomy: but I think that every violent change would accelerate our ruin.

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"I am rather a favourer of a limited monarchy; but would not be severe on a merely speculative republican; though I think silence, in that case, is a duty, while the providence of God continues us under a monarchy and I can find nothing in history that should render any but the ambitious warrior, or the avaricious merchant, fond of a republic. I am sure that republican Greece, Rome, and Carthage, shed

human blood, and multiplied crimes, to increase wealth or extend conquest, even as much as absolute monarchs: and their intestine oppressions and divisions were equally calamitous."

It is to be remembered that, at the period when this letter was written, one of the dogmas attempted to be imposed upon a deluded people was, that all wars were to be traced to the ambition of kings.—In these letters also the writer appears rather to have softened down the expressions of the preference which he entertained for the British constitution: at least that preference was certainly more decided and strong at a later period.-It need scarcely be said, that a man of my father's principles and discernment was never in any danger of being duped, by the boasting pretensions and high expectations which accompanied the earlier periods of the French revolution. always held, that, proceeding as it did upon irreligious principles, and being founded in false views of human nature, no good was to be expected from it, otherwise than as a remote consequence.

He

"In respect of the Test Act," he proceeds, "I would certainly abolish it, let what would be the consequence; because I deem it the scandal of the church but, if I were a dissenter, I think I should care less about it, for as a religious body the dissenters will be less led into temptation, when abridged of their right in this particular, than if freely admitted: to places of trust and profit: and I may be deemed censorious, but, I fear, a loss of spirituality renders them more earnest in this matter than their forefathers were. As to the supposed preference of the episcopalian ministers who preach the gospel, I see little of

it. Here, at least, we most of us have less salaries and more work than our dissenting brethren. Some few in the church, indeed, by family connexions, and other means, get large livings; but probably they would be better without them: and, except by family connexions or bought livings, we are almost as much out of the way of preferment as our dissenting brethren. For my part, I scarcely know what I am except chaplain of the Lock; but I expect, at least, that a good living will be offered to you as soon as to me: and it will then be soon enough to say, whether I would accept of it. However, I trust I speak as a Christian minister, when I say, that toleration and protection are all that God's servants can reasonably expect in the devil's world: and in fact this is all they should desire. But I fear one effect of these disputes will be, the widening of the breach between the servants of Christ in the establishment and out of it. Far be it from me to vindicate the madness of a mob; but I do not suppose that either the king or the sober part of the church are to blame for it; more than the mo derate men at Paris for the late massacres. Many dissenters, chiefly (would I could say wholly) of the Arians and Socinians, have made themselves obnoxious to those who are attached to the present constitution: others have not acted discreetly; and parties always are violent against whole bodies of men: they who run into one extreme drive others into the opposite: moderate men please no party, and their voice cannot be heard thus the war of the tongue and the pen ig the prelude to greater outrages; which are rather chargeable on human depravity, than on the principles of the party that commit them, I fear, as well

as you, lest our governors should be too tenacious, and rely too much on the temporary advantage they have gained yet I see there would be impolicy in timid counsels. I feel that they cannot safely at present offend such numbers as a proper retrenchment of expenses would occasion: and I am so sensible of the importance of their measures, and of the peril and delicacy of their situation, that I can only pray to the Lord to give them wisdom to apply proper remedies to the distempered state of the nation, if so be it may be healed. A war at any rate must be dreaded at present: but, could I suppose administration so impolitic as to engage in a war in order to exterminate republicans on the continent, I should then make up my mind on the business, and prepare for the worst. But I do not think they mean this: and how far it may be unavoidable for them to support the Dutch, I cannot tell. I am sure, if I could be heard, I should say to all the powers in Europe, Unite in telling the French Convention, that if they will let other nations alone, and quietly settle their own government as they please, they shall not be molested: but that, if they will be busy bodies in other men's matters, they must take the consequences.... As to the weight of taxes it is so great, that most of us feel and lament it: yet freedom from war in our borders, from bloody persecution, from famine and pestilence, should render us patient and thankful. Nor can the evil be prevented. I have now written a long letter, on what I often think of, but do not frequently discuss. Let us, my brother, leave worldly people to their disputes about worldly subjects: let us avoid all attachments to parties, and the

extremes of all parties: let us endeavour to act as peacemakers, especially in the church, and deem ourselves far more nearly united in the bond of faith to all who love Christ, than we can be to those of our party, either religious or political, who do not. Let us pray for the peace of Jerusalem, and give up ourselves to the work of our ministry, and then we shall be useful and comfortable at all events. I am, your sincerely affectionate friend and brother, T.S."

Mr., now Dr., Carey was at this time seeking permission to proceed to India as a missionary; and I find the following notices of the subject in this correspondence of my father's with Dr. Ryland.

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April 24, 1793. Mr. Carey brought me your letter, and I wrote to Mr. Grant about the business; which was all I could do, as every one of would have referred that matter to him."

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my

friends

May 6, 1793. Mr. Grant expresses the most cordial desire to serve Mr. Carey. I am sure I cordially approve of the plan, and pray God to give success to it for, if sinners are but brought to repent, believe in Christ, and walk in newness of life, I am satisfied: and I am quite willing that the Lord should work by what instruments he pleases, and rejoice that they are multiplied."

Of the answer to Paine my father thus writes, April 26, 1796. "I have interwoven all the grand proofs of revelation, and the nature and tendency of Christianity, with I trust a sufficient confutation of Mr. P.'s cavils. I have not treated him quite so genteelly as the Bishop of Landaff has; who, by the way, has said many good things, though he seems to give up the point as to the entire inspiration of scrip