had said in his former volume, and upon the whole concludes, that population is in itself a good thing, that it is never likely to do much harm, that virtue and happiness ought to be promoted by every practicable means, and that the most effectual as well as desirable check to excessive population is moral restraint. The mighty discovery, thus reduced to, and pieced out by common sense, the wonder vanishes, and we breathe a little freely again. Mr. Malthus is however, by no means willing to give up his old doctrine, or eat his own words: he stickles stoutly for it at times. He has his fits of reason and his fits of extravagance, his yielding and his obstinate moments, fluctuating between the two, and vibrating backwards and forwards with a dexterity of self-contradiction which it is wonderful to behold. The following passage is so curious in this respect that I cannot help quoting it in this place. Speaking of the reply of the author of the Political Justice to his former work, he observes," But Mr. Godwin says, "that if he looks into the past history of the "world, he does not see that increasing popula"tion has been controlled and confined by vice "and misery alone. In this observation I can"not agree with him. I will thank Mr. Godwin "to name to me any check, that in past ages has "contributed to keep down the population to the "level of the means of subsistence, that does not fairly come under some form of vice or misery; 66 except indeed the check of moral restraint, "which I have mentioned in the course of this "work; and which to say the truth, whatever hopes we may entertain of its prevalence "in future, has undoubtedly in past ages ope"rated with very inconsiderable force."* When I assure the reader that I give him this passage fairly and fully, I think he will be of opinion with me, that it would be difficult to produce an instance of a more miserable attempt to reconcile a contradiction by childish evasion, to insist upon an argument, and give it up in the same breath. Does Mr. Malthus really think tha he has such an absolute right and authority over this subject of population, that provided he mentions a principle, or shews that he is not ignorant of it, and cannot be caught napping by the critics, he is at liberty to say that it has or has not had any operation, just as he pleases, and that the state of the fact is a matter of perfect indifference. He contradicts the opinion of Mr. Godwin that vice and misery are not the only checks to population, and gives as a proof of his asser • The prevalence of this check may be estimated by the general proportion of virtue and happiness in the world, for if there had been no such check there could have been nothing but vice and misery. tion, that he himself truly has mentioned another check. Taus after flatly denying that moral restraint has any effect at all, he modestly concludes by saying that it has had some, no doubt, but promises that it will never have a great deal. Yet in the very next page, he says, "On "this sentiment, whether virtue, prudence or ઃઃ pride, which I have already noticed under "the name of moral restraint, or of the more "comprehensive title, the preventive check, it "will appear, that in the sequel of this work, I "shall lay considerable stress." p. 385, This kind of reasoning is enough to give one the head-ache. But to take things in their order. The most singular thing in this singular per formance of our author is, that it should have been originally ushered into the world as the most complete and only satisfactory answer to the speculations of Godwin, Condorcet and others, or to what has been called the modern philosophy. A more complete piece of wrongheadedness, a more strange perversion of reason could hardly be devised by the wit of man, Whatever we may think of the doctrine of the progressive improvement of the human mind, or of a state of society in which every thing will be subject to the absolute control of reason, however absurd, unnatural, or impracti cable we may conceive such a system to be, cer. tainly it cannot without the grossest inconsis tency be objected to it, that such a system would necessarily be rendered abortive, because if reason should ever get this mastery over all our actions, we shall then be governed entirely by our physical appetites and passions, without the least regard to consequences. This appears to me a refinement on absurdity. Several philosophers and speculatists had supposed that a certain state of society very different from any that has hitherto existed was in itself practicable; and that if it were realised, it would be productive of a far greater degree of human happiness than is compatible with the present institutions of society. I have nothing to do with either of these points. I will allow to any one who pleases that all such schemes are false, sophistical, unfounded in the extreme." But I cannot agree with Mr. Malthus that they would be bad, in proportion as they were good; that their excellence would be their ruin; or that the true and only unanswerable objection against all such schemes is that very degree of happiness, virtue and improvement to which they are supposed to give rise. And I cannot agree with him in this because it is contrary to common sense, and leads to the subversion of every principle of moral reasoning. Without 66 perplexing himself with the subtle arguments of his opponents, Mr. Malthus comes boldly forward, and says, "Gentlemen, I am willing to make you large concessions, I am ready to allow the practicability and the desirableness of your schemes, the more happiness, the more virtue, "the more refinement they are productive of the "better, all these will only add to the exu"berant strength of my argument;' I have a "short answer to all objections, to be sure I "found it in an old political receipt-book, called ' Prospects, &c. by one Wallace, a man not "much known, but no matter for that, finding "is keeping, you know' and with one smart stroke of his wand, on which are inscribed certain mystical characters, and algebraic proportions, he levels the fairy enchantment with the ground. For, says Mr. Malthus, though this improved state of society were actually realised, it could not possibly continue, but must soon terminate in a state of things pregnant with evils far more insupportable than any we at present endure, in consequence of the excessive population which would follow, and the impossibility of providing for its support, This is what I do not understand. It is, in other words, to assert that the doubling the population of a country, for example, after a cer |