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possess learning and knowledge, and experience and opportunity, which constitute the means of judging. The free communication of such men with each other, secures that strict and impartial examination of complicated questions which it is the height of presumption for others to affect to pronounce upon; and without denying the right of every man to judge for himself, we may safely recommend all who command only limited sources of information, rather to look up for their opinions to those above them, than to embarrass themselves with difficulties they cannot unravel, or dispute upon questions which they are incompetent to solve. The difficulties of political or religious controversy are no more the business of the humbler classes of our countrymen, than the peculiar concerns of other nations. Nor would it be more absurd for the tailor to pretend to give lessons to the joiner, than for a tradesman or a mechanic to presume to lecture upon politics or divinity: "Every man to his calling" -is a homely saying, but full of wisdom and truth, and he who resists this natural order of things is justly chargeable with folly or mischief.

Before we dismiss this interesting subject, there is one more point of great importance to be mentioned; it is the practice which has of late prevailed of women partaking in the public discussion of political questions. It may seem to some of our female readers that by excluding them from a participation of the privilege so freely enjoyed by the other sex, we are disposed to abridge them of their natural rights, and that we have no more pretence to debar them from this than from any other topic of conversation. But first of all we must request it to be understood, that we by no means design to deprive those who are competent of the consideration of political affairs, which are of the deepest interest to all true patriots, whether male or female; nor can a real friend to our country remain indifferent to any great national transaction. So far from objecting, we would invite those whose station in life affords them opportunity and leisure for such inquiries, to study the history of this kingdom, and ex

amine the principles of its venerable constitution, and we are very sure that such knowledge will greatly attach them to the beautiful form of government under which we have the happiness to live. But all this is an affair totally independent of a disposition to argue upon political questions, or engage in popular disputes. The contests of rival factions, the distinctions of Whig and Tory, or any other party names, are in our minds quite unsuited to the habits of our fair countrywomen; we think them unfeminine subjects of conversation. It is impossible to plunge into these contentions without an excitement of temper and a rivalry of feeling, very unbecoming the chaste and tranquil habits of a well-regulated female: success in any such debate s is almost sure to lead to a vain and presumptuous deportment, highly disgusting to a delicate mind. We believe no man of sense would deliberately marry a petticoat politician. The violence and acrimony of political dispute are fatal to the christian meekness and forbearance which are the highest ornaments of the female character; but it is also to be observed, that the discussion of such questions leads away the attention from those better pursuits which are the appropriate occupations of a Woman.

We have been led to these remarks from observing the diabolical exertions of some of the worst of our countrymen, to involve Englishwomen in the ferment of infidelity and treason, by bringing them forward as the representatives of those wicked principles which have for their object the overthrow of our constitution in Church and State. The most licentious and blasphemous publications of the present day issue from the repository of a deluded female, whose opinions are contaminated by the contagious breath of her more profligate associates. Women employed by their misguided husbands and fathers, have been seen presenting seditious addresses, and forming themselves into clubs and societies of the worst description.

It is the policy of all pretenders to reform to lower

the tone of public morals, because when once the barriers of decency and order are thrown down, they know that the torrent of Revolution will soon carry all before it. The combination of virtuous women to exclude those of bad reputation from their society, is the great safeguard to female virtue: but if for political purposes these distinctions are abandoned, and females so far forget their character as to exhibit themselves at seditious meetings, in union with the most corrupt of both sexes, they cannot hope to maintain their personal respectability, or to sustain that unblemished purity of character which is best sheltered in the privacy of retirement.

Let no woman gravely complain that she is unjustly debarred from political debate. However various the forms of government throughout the world, whether in ancient or in modern times, all nations have concurred in the principle of excluding females from any participation in affairs of State. Without

denying the extent of their capacity, or the acuteness of their understanding, it is quite certain that their talents are unfitted for political deliberation, and that Providence has wisely appointed their place in domestic life, where their duties are equal in importance to those of man, although exercised with less of public notice. The duties of wives, of mothers, and of daughters, are of the highest consideration. The female character is not merely the solace of human life, but it is most powerfully employed in forming the minds of the rising generation. When we consider that the dispositions of the whole human race are principally moulded under maternal care and culture, that the tone of our character greatly depends on the prudence and piety of a mother's example and instructions,-let no woman so far undervalue her privileges as to regret the insignificance of her station. The rank and importance of the female character would be of the utmost value even if its duties were exclusively directed to infant education. But when it is further considered that most of the religious instruction, most of the pious impressions we receive

in after-life, are conveyed to us by females;—that the pure example of a mother, the devout piety of a wife, the gentle persuasions of a sister, and often the affectionate remonstrances of a daughter, accomplish great part of the religious reformation which passes upon our minds; we cannot but reflect, with the deepest gratitude, upon the incalculable value of such advantages, and wonder that any serious complaint should ever be heard as to the inferiority of their condition or the unimportance of those duties and occupations which Providence has assigned to

women.

But while we value their conversation as the most delightful channel through which we obtain our best principles, so we hesitate not to express our regret that ever it should be perverted to purposes of political controversy. Much of our literature, and most of our morality, gains access to our minds through our intercourse with the softer sex, and religious persuasion comes with a peculiar charm from female lips.

Let them still be the gentle monitors of our domestic life; and let every woman who has had the benefit of a christian education remember that if her station is less conspicuous, her influence is not less powerful ; and that she owes to heaven a responsibility for those gifts and graces which enable her to render the most important benefits to her fellow-creatures.

L.

SOMERSET HOUSE.

THE public buildings of London are not so numerous, nor are they in general so striking in their appearances, as might have been expected from the wealth and immense population of this metropolis, from its being the seat of government, and the great mart for the commerce of the world. London is not a city of palaces like Venice or Genoa;-its eccle

siastical edifices do not seize upon the imagination like those of Rome;-but the stranger is filled with wonder at its amazing extent at the bustle which universally pervades the commercial quarters, giving to every ordinary day as eager a crowd as if some spectacle had assembled them together at the various modes of existence which are displayed amongst its population-at the splendour and variety of its shops

-at the number, elegance, or convenience of its private houses. No city in the world at all approaches London in these particulars; and no place furnishes such objects for a rational curiosity, or exhibits human life in a greater diversity of character.

Somerset House is a magnificent exception to the ordinary style of the public buildings of London. The stranger at once sees that it is devoted to national purposes. The grand front which it presents to the Thames is one of the most striking objects of this noble river. Its handsome terrace commands the most extraordinary view that the imagination can conceive,of massive bridges-of wharfs crowded with the sons of industry-of boats of every description plying either with passengers or goods-of the endless succession of masts below London-bridge, rising up like stately cedars-of the buildings of the great city, carrying the eye as far as it can reach to distinguish the spires, or turrets, or domes of some remarkable edifices, amidst the masses of habitations which are lost in the distant smoke. Its front to the Strand is sufficiently distinguished by its extent, and the ornaments of its architecture, to show that it is the public property of a great nation;-and the spacious quadrangle, into which the principal entrance leads, at once proclaims that the objects to which this immense pile is appropriated, are of the most import

ant nature.

The history of Somerset House is in a great degree a history of the variable characteristics of successive ages. The present building is of modern date. But upon the same site stood the old Somerset House, erected in the year 1549 by the protector Somerset.

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