that the spirit of free inquiry, which had been let loose at the Reformation, would confine itself within any bounds that human wisdom could prescribe. Stop where we might, some bold and zealous minds would still find reason to complain that we had not gone far enough while, on the other hand, there were not wanting persons whose attachment to the ancient order of things, and habitual dread of innovation, made them resist all change, even where it led to the correction of the most notorious abuses. Our great reformers maintained a middle course between these opposite parties; and, as might be expected, incurred the censure of both. The influence of Elizabeth was uniformly exercised in opposition to the partisans of innovation; but her prejudices were much softened, and her eagerness restrained, by the firmness and discretion of Burleigh, whose talents as a minister are in nothing more conspicuous than in the management of this difficult business. The Puritans, however, rapidly increased, both in numbers and influence ;-they had in general embraced the doctrines of Calvin, and were, in consequence, disposed to regard with favour the system of discipline he had established in the Church of Geneva. To build up their own national church on this model soon became a favourite object of the party; and the coarse invective in which they allowed themselves to indulge against all existing institutions, gave to the controversy a character of violence which is truly disgusting. Even in the partial report of their own historian, the conduct of the leading Puritans appears manifestly to have been very unwarrantable :-in pleading what they considered their own rights of conscience, they had no deference for the feelings or conscience of others. Nor can we wonder that the vigour with which their violent aggressions were resisted, should sometimes have degenerated into harshness and excessive severity. It can rarely happen that such a scurrilous controversialist as Thomas Cartwright, will find an opponent of so much meekness as Richard Hooker.

The tide of opinion flowed on; and it became au

early and favourite object with Charles I. to endeavour to set bounds to it, and to mark out the channel within which it should be confined. In this attempt he was encouraged and assisted by the very remarkable man who is the subject of our present memoir.

William Laud was the son of a clothier; he was born at Reading, in Berkshire, Oct. 7, 1573, and educated at the free-school there. In 1589 he was removed to St. John's College, Oxford, where he took the usual degrees, and, as Fellow of his College, soon began to play a distinguished part in the University. He soon made himself remarkable by the vigour of his opposition to the measures of the puritanical party. His zeal and talents recommended him to Neile, Bishop of Rochester, who proved himself a steady and useful patron. In 1611, he was elected President of his own College, notwithstanding some strong representations which had been made to the King to his disadvantage; but his immovable friend, Bishop Neile, managed to efface these ill impressions, and James was induced to regard him with complacency, and appointed him one of his chaplains. This was his first introduction at court; and it was quickly followed by many marks of royal favour. In 1620 he was promoted to the bishoprick of St. David's; and his influence in ecclesiastical affairs soon began to appear in some directions concerning preachers and preaching, which were shortly after published by royal authority, and which were aimed against the practices of the Puritans. During this year Laud held his famous conference with Fisher the Jesuit, in presence of the favourite, Buckingham, and his mother, in order to confirm them both in the Protestant religion. This conference, which was printed in 1624, brought on an intimate acquaintance between the Prelate and this powerful minion of royalty, whose countenance he enjoyed till the period of his violent and tragical death. Buckingham's favour was a passport to the confidence of Charles; consequently we find Laud very early engaged in offices of trust about his person. He officiated as Dean of Westminster at Charles's coronation, and has been charged with altering the terms of the oath it

was his duty to administer. But this charge has been successfully refuted. He was translated from St. David's to Bath and Wells in 1626,-to London in 1628; and August 4, 1633, he was elevated to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury.

The death of Buckingham had left Laud without a rival in his master's favour: he did not, however, aim at a monopoly of power, but was satisfied to share it with those whom he thought capable of serving the cause he had espoused. With this view Strafford was called to the government of Ireland, and the affairs of Scotland were entrusted to the Duke of Hamilton. If talents and faithful attachment in his servants could have saved Charles from the fate which awaited him, doubtless he would have been saved by the united efforts of Laud, Strafford, and Hamilton. Their ability is acknowledged, even by the bitterest of their political opponents; and, by a remarkable coincidence, the faithfulness of every one of them was sealed upon the scaffold; all the three laid down their lives for the cause of which they had been champions.

Laud kept the management of English affairs in his own hands, and he quickly made his power felt through every department of Church and State. Not content with resisting the aggressions of the Puritans, he began a course of active hostilities against them. The "Book of Sports," as it was called, was published under his authority this was a most unpopular measure, and swelled the ranks of the discontented, by adding to them all who considered the Sabbath to be of divine institution. An attempt was made by Laud's friends to justify this measure by the example of our continental neighbours, even those of the Protestant persuasion. But the innovation was firmly resisted; and it is our great happiness that this error, though many attempts have been made to revive it, never did prevail to any great extent in England. We trust it will always remain a characteristic of our nation, that we remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy."

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Another favourite measure of the Archbishop's was to restrain the licentiousness of the press; and this he

hoped to effect through the agency of the Court of Star Chamber, over which he had unlimited controul. The punishments inflicted by this court were most severe, especially in the memorable instances of Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton, who were convicted of libels against himself, and treated with a degree of rigour little less than barbarous.

Such were the measures by which Laud sought, not to correct, but to root out, the evils he had anticipated from the tendency of the spirit of the times; but that spirit was too strong for him. Whether it would have been mitigated and allayed by milder management, we cannot now undertake to pronounce; certain it is, that this severity served only to increase the inflammation, and to bring the political disorders of the time to a more sudden crisis. As soon as the popular party began to feel their strength, all its energies were directed against Laud. The London apprentices were excited to attack his house at Lambeth; but the Archbishop, having received previous notice, took shelter in his chambers at Whitehall; and, though one of the ringleaders was seized and executed, the attempt was repeated but a few months after. But the meeting of the Long Parliament was the final overthrow of Laud and of his system. He was examined as a witness on Strafford's trial, and a few days after an impeachment of High Treason against him was carried up to the Lords by Denzill Holles. He was committed to the custody of the Black Rod; and, after an interval of ten weeks, conveyed to the Tower, amidst the insults and reproaches of the mob.

This was in March 1620-1; but he was not brought to his trial till he had been kept prisoner above three years. Twenty days were spent in it. Nothing, however, was proved against him, which could amount to treason in law. Recourse was therefore had to the same method which had been taken against the Earl of Strafford a bill of attainder was brought in, passed rapidly through the House of Commons, and sent up to the Lords. There, however, it stuck for some time, and was at length carried only in compliance with the

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threatenings of the mob. The Archbishop, by the con-fession of his enemies, made a full, firm, and gallant defence, without the least acknowledgment of political guilt in the acts for which he suffered. He was beheaded on Tower-hill, Jan. 10, 1624-5, conducting himself on the scaffold with the greatest composure.

It is a remarkable instance of political retribution, that one of the most active amongst those persons who pursued the Archbishop to his destruction, was that very Prynne, who had been punished so severely on his account. When a Committee of the House of Commons passed a resolution that his papers should be examined, the execution of the task was entrusted to Prynne, who performed it with the most unrelenting rigour, taking away his diary, private devotions, and even the papers he had prepared for his own defence.

Of Laud's offences as a statesman it is not necessary to speak farther; they were expiated on the scaffold. The object he had in view was chimerical; for he thought he could restrain, by legal enactments, that tempest of opinions which he saw raging around him. The means he took were unjustifiable; for the forms of law were perverted into instruments of individual persecution. Yet he was pre-eminently honest; and the very integrity of his character had a bad effect on his conduct, as it prevented him from having any sympathy with the faults and follies of those around him. He never asked for forbearance himself, or exercised it towards others. Lord Clarendon says of him, that "his learning, piety, and virtue, have been attained by very few ; and the greatest of his infirmities are common to all, even the best men." He was a most munificent patron of literature, himself a scholar of great attainments, and personally a friend to most of the eminent scholars of his day.

J. M. T.

LORD CLARENDON.

PATRIOTISM, such as truly deserves the name, is a virtue of rare existence, and of inestimable value. It