It is as breadth of Ontario. The farmers and the tem. I will quote a statement by CongressPatrons of Industry-and I hold I am the man Bryant with regard to the effect of representative of the Patrons on the floor protection in the United States. of this House, although I do not belong to follows:the organization-will not support the Government unless they make tariff reductions. Further east, it will also be found, that the Government cannot obtain the support of the Patrons unless the tariff is largely reduced. Let me state what occurred in New Brunswick. At a Protection violates international law, human and divine, by prohibiting trade among the families of the men, thus denying the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. It has driven industry to want, beggary and starvation; it has forced virtue, dressed in rags, to insanity; it has driven mothers meeting of the St. John Board of Trade, with their infants at their breasts, from the cottage held on February 7th, a committee on the hearth, starving, into the winter's blast, and denied tariff, presided over by the chairman of the to the husband and father work necessary to supConservative party in that province, report- port his family; it has made thousands of millionaires and millions of tramps, both a curse to ed that the tariff must be reduced. From Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and every society; it has filled the prisons with criminals and other province, there is a similar report. 1lions of honest labourers to the soup-houses, to be the churches with hypocrites; it has driven milunderstand that the recent election in Nova fed in the name of charity with the products of Scotia was run almost entirely on the ques their own labour, out of which they were robbed ; tion of tariff reform. Are the people going it makes merchandise of men, slaves of women, to obtain from this Government that justice beggars of children and outcasts of all, and then to the farming class which they demand? retains power by bribery and fraud; it is the The hon. gentlemen opposite have no inten- author of all the sweating system in the world, tion of granting it. When the committee where women and children sweat blood to be representing the Government were travelling coined into money to satisfy the greed of mammon, through the country, they would have allow- and it forges the promise of God into a lie, and we ed the farmers to have appeared before them do see, the seed of the righteous "begging bread," and made plain statements, without an at- the divine promise to the contrary notwithstandtempt being made to gainsay their uttering. ances, if they had desired to extend justice to the agricultural class. Why did the mem- There is no one but must admit that protecbers of that committee sit in secret conclave tion has had that effect to a great extent in when they were hearing the manufacturers, this country. Will any man stand up and while they heard the farmers in open meet- tell me that any Government could legising ? It was done simply that those hon. late in a manner to make rich the whole ingentlemen might be able to show how habitants of any country ? I do not ask smart they were when they had a simple- that any privileges should be granted to the hearted farmer to question regarding the farmers of this country, but I do ask that working of the National Policy. I notice that they shall be relieved of the burdens that certain resolutions were passed by the Manu- have been unduly placed upon their shoulders. facturers Association when they met the All that I ask is: That all classes of the Minister of Trade and Commerce at Toronto. community shall be placed in a position so as Let me quote a statement to show what to reap the full rewards of their honest they consider should be the fate of any one labour. I hold, Sir, that no farmer and no advocating a tariff reform measure, such as workman gets the full reward of his labour I am advocating to-day. I observe here an in a highly protected country such as Canhon. gentleman who was at that meeting, ada is. I hold that, to-day, the farmer for and no doubt he concurred in the senti- every purchase that he makes only gets ment given utterance to with respect to $100 of goods when he spends $130 for them, anybody who would ask a reduction in the and especially is that the case in the class tariff. Mr. E. Gurney said that any man of goods which is manufactured and sold to The Minister of who went on the stump to advocate a the people in this country. change from the present policy to one Agriculture when he went to the North-west which had no bottom in it, was nothing did not show to the people the true condition more than an anarchist, and the peo- of affairs; but many of the people there ple would have to rise against anarchists know what that condition is, and the Govand hang the lot. So the farmers of Ontario ernment got a taste of what the North-west as a body will have to be hanged, and that will do during the last election of Winnipeg, will be found a difficult job, because they are when my friend who sits behind (Mr. Marall advocating tariff reduction, and not tin) was returned as an opponent of theirs. merely tariff reduction, but that this pro- That is only a sample of what the Northtective system shall be abolished. I heard west will do when she gets the opportunity. the First Minister from his place no later She has lived on promise long enough, but than yesterday say that he had yet to hear she will not be fooled any longer. the first statement made by any public man farmers of the province of Ontario were in the United States that the financial fooled last election when the Government stringency had been at all brought about told them that they dissolved the House by the National Policy or the protective sys- before the natural life of Parliament expired The so that they might go before the people of this country, and have the authorization of a fresh Parliament, not a moribund Parliament, to proceed to Washington to discuss reciprocity, as the United States Government had solicited such a conference. We all know the humility that the people of Canada felt when one individual high in office had afterwards to go to Washington, and upon his marrow-bones take back the statements spread in Canada that the United States Government had asked for reciprocity. I was astonished last summer, when at Clinton, I heard the First Minister state on the stump that when the Ministers went to Washington they offered reciprocity not only in natural products, but that they offered a list of manufactured goods as well. I had in my pocket the address of the President of the United States, sent in reply to a resolution from the Senate, to give a statement of what took place at the conference, and I took the opportunity of showing it to some of the Conservatives at that meeting, not five minutes afterwards the First Minister had made his statement. I was astonished that he would try to humbug the people and to impose on their ignorance and credulity in such a manner. That is what is being done by the Government all over the land, and the time is fast approaching when the Government will have to answer for it all. The Minister of Agriculture has told the people that the country is in a prosperous condition. The Controller of Customs and the Controller of Inland Revenue both tell us that the country is prosperous. From their standpoint, | from the late augmentation of their finances annually, there is no doubt that they may feel that the country is in a prosperous condition. Five thousand dollars a year, besides their indemnity, going into his pockets, would make any man feel that a country was prosperous that could go on increasing its officials and officers and still further burdening the people with taxation The people thought that this Government was going to be economic, and they asked me what this meant They also asked me what was the meaning of a Bill which was brought into the House last year appointing a Civil Service Commission. They asked me if that commission was to be permanent and if there were to be any salaries? Why, Sir, they were astonished when I told them' that they were astonished when I told them that there were two officials at $300 a year, and one at $1,250 a year, and his salary was to be increased until it reached $1,500. When I was asked what the duties were I was stuck. I could not tell. I never heard it explained, and the only explanation that could give was, that it was providing a good fat berth for some of the supporters of the Government, and that they were going to follow that up, because they were in a position that they required all the support that they could possibly get. I do not know that I am going to say a great deal more at the present time, but I do say that the farmers of this country begin to understand this tariff. When the National Policy was introduced in 1879, many of them believed that the tariff would be a benefit, and they believed the utterances of the then First Minister: that that the the agricultural industry would be improved, that the country would consume all its own surplus products, and that all those tall chimneys which we heard so graphically described, would be towering throughout the whole land. But, Sir, we find that such has not been the case. We find that the manufacturing industries have not spread to any great extent. When the people of Seaforth saw in the last census returns the number of manufacturing industries in that town, they asked me to point them out, but no one, even though he had lived in the town since the first building was erected in it, was capable of doing that until such time as the report went back with the names of the individuals and the industries. And then, what a farce to see such industries pictured as if they were really industries that had been brought into existence by the National Policy. Let me say that the farmers of this country are a class of individuals that require no favours. We have been told that the farmers want to shirk the just incidents of taxation that ought to be imposed upon their shoulders. That is not the case. As I have said, the farmers ask no favours. All they want is that the Government shall remove the burdens that they have placed unduly upon their shoulders, and that they will give such legislation as will enable the farmer and the pioneer in this new country to reap the full rewards of his own labour without providing that a large part of the profits of their toil shall go into the pockets of the manufacturers of this country, and that the earners shall derive no profit from it whatever; but that, on the contrary, they-as I heard a farmer sayare to be made the subjects of insult and injury wherever the opportunity is presented. Mr. CHARLTON. Mr. Speaker, I do not rise to participate at any length in the debate that is now in progress. In that respect I shall imitate the example set by the Government. I am surprised, however I cannot help expressing surprise that the members of the Government, and the supporters of the Government, should allow the speeches that have been made on this side of the House, the arraignment that has been made of their policy, the attacks that have been made upon them, to go by default. I cannot help expressing surprise that the Government should sit meekly, and permit these assaults to be made without the slightest rejoinder. Silence is said to give consent, and certainly we may infer from the attitude of the Government that their case is a bad one, and that they have very little to say in answer to the charges made against them. I rise for the purpose of making reference to one point only; one point that has been alluded to in this debate, I a point that was brought up in the question is somewhat bound up and imperilled in this put by the leader of the Opposition in the matter by the action of the Government. I House this afternoon, and that point is the would therefore suggest to the Government matter referring to the French treaty. That that they take the course which they have treaty has now been awaiting ratification pursued on other occasions when difficult from this Government for a period of more questions have demanded solution and they them. than a year, and we would like very much have felt unable to grapple with to know what the policy of the Government They have a remedy, a remedy which they is. When we ask that question from the have themselves invented, and which might Government, however, we are probably ask- be applied to this case as well as to the ing more than they know themselves. It case of prohibition and the case of the would seem, from their attitude, and from Caron charges. Let them refer the French their conduct throughout, that this is a prob- treaty to a royal commission, and they can lem that they are incapable of grappling easily arrange the matter in such a way with. It is not a very important treaty. that the decision of that commission shall The Minister of Justice very happily charac- not be made this century if necessary. In terized it the other night as being a "little that way they could bring their difficulties French treaty." It is a little French treaty, to an end; the French treaty question would involving interests of no very great import- be disposed of, and they would avoid the ance, and yet I repeat, Sir, that the Gov- decision of the question which some day ernment seem unable to give to the country they will have to make unless they refer it the policy which they intend to pursue upon to a royal commission. If my hon. friend, this question, and, in fact, they seem to be the leader of the Government, will take into uncertain in their own minds as to what consideration this proposition and appoint they shall do. I think, that for the sake of a royal commission to settle this difficulty, consistency and for the sake of self-respect, it is not likely that the question will again the Government should place themselves in trouble him so long as he is in office. a position whereby the people would know think I may most unhesitatingly commend what their policy is to be on this question, this solution of the difficulty to the hon. He will then dispose of the and they should at once announce what they gentleman. intend to do. No doubt they are surrounded threats of the High Commissioner; he will by many difficulties. They have on the one dispose of the insubordination of the Minhand, the opposition that evidently is an ister of Marine and Fisheries; and he will overwhelming one from the public with dispose of all the conflicting elements of his regard to the ratification of this treaty. party, asking for and contending against the On the other hand, it is intimated-I do not ratification of this treaty. He will then get know with how good a foundation-that the question set at rest, so that it will not pressure has been brought to bear upon them rise like Banquo's ghost to disturb him in in certain high quarters. It is asserted that his slumbers as it now does. the High Commissioner for Canada has taken Mr. MILLS (Bothwell). It is not my inthem by the throat and demanded that this tention, Sir, to trouble the House but for a treaty be ratified; that he pins his reputa-few moments on the subject of this Speech. tion to this treaty; and that if the treaty I think it would have been satisfactory to is not ratified he will become an enemy of the House, and would have greatly facilithe Government. It is represented that a tated the work of the session, if the hon. relative of the High Commissioner, an hon. gentlemen on the other side had undergentleman who is a member of this House taken to defend the various propositions and a member of the Government, and who which they have put forward in the Speech. is a loyal son of the High Commissioner, They have in some degree challenged the has also threatened resignation, and threat- Opposition to consider several propositions, ened to make all the trouble that he pos- which, after that challenge has been acsibly can for the Government, if the demands cepted, they have themselves resiled from of his father are not acceded to, and his defending. Now, Sir, the Government have reputation maintained, so far as it can be, told us in this Speech that the country is by the ratification of this treaty. Now, Sir, in a prosperous condition. It has been the country and the press are talking about pointed out that that is not an accurate these things, and in this matter the Gov- statement-that the country is far from ernment occupy a humiliating position. They being prosperous; that many classes of the are accused of vacillation; they are accused population, particularly the mercantile and of indecision, of lacking the courage to come agricultural classes, are suffering at the preto a decision: It is said that they feel loath sent time from serious financial embarrassto ratify the treaty. Why do they not ex- ment; that the income of the agricultural press their views and set the public mind population has largely diminished; that at rest with regard to this question? Now, greatly as it had diminished during preMr. Speaker, the Opposition has always vious years, it has during the past year, been generous and forbearing enough to since the House was in session before, dicome to the rescue of the Government when minished at least 40 per cent. Now, Sir, it has been necessary to do so to save the the Opposition were ready to consider and honour of Canada-and the honour of Canada controvert the propositions put in the mouth us. is quasi sovereign, the answer is that he does not of the of His Excellency. But hon. gentlemen on clamation, in November, 1858, to be the first the Treasury benches do not appear dis- Viceroy of England who ruled in British posed to defend what they have here stated. India. We know the origin. Every one The hon. gentlemen have told us, in a series acquainted with the history of Ireland knows of speeches extending over the past fifteen that before the time of Henry VIII. Ireland years, that they had altered the tariff in was a Lordship, and that the representative such a way as to contribute to the pros of the Sovereign there was called the Lord perity of the country; in fact, they pro- Deputy or Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and posed to prevent a condition of depression it was not until after that period that the and distress; and now, after they have from Lord Lieutenant of Ireland became a Viceroy. time to time legislated with the view of This subject has frequently been before the correcting the mistakes which they said were Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. in the tariff, and which it was impossible Let me call the attention of the House to that men could avoid, avoid, however perfect some of the cases. In the case of Hill vs. their information might be, the hon. Bigge, Lord Brougham, who gave the deFirst Minister informs us that no one cision, said: possessed of common sense would un- If it is said that the Governor of a colony dertake to declare that a Government could by its legislation make the country prosperous. Why, Sir, we had a very different story told We had a declaration that the voices of a distressed population had come from every part of the country to a former Prime Min-clothes him. ister, crying, Come over and help us out of the difficulty and distress in which we are." The hon. gentleman has also put into this Speech the declaration that the land laws of the North-west require amendment; yet neither the mover nor the seconder of the Address, nor the hon. First Minister himself, has told us in what respect these laws are defective or in what respect they require amendment. The hon. gentleman has also put in His Excellency's mouth the declaration that the Indian Act is defective and requires amendment, but in what respect it requires amendment we are up to this moment left in the dark. And we are asked to vote an Address in reply to the Speech, which will echo everything contained in the Speech, though hon. gentlemen opposite have not up to the present moment given us the slightest information on these subjects. The hon. leader of the Government requires a great deal of his followers on this occasion. He requires them to affirm what he has put in this Address, while he withholds from them the information to enable them to say whether what he has put there is correct or proper in any particular. Now, Sir, it appears to me that, when the Governor General is meeting Parliament for the first time, nothing should be put in the Speech which is not in point of law accurate; and yet and I suppose the hon. First Minister, as the Minister of Justice, is responsible for I am not going into a discussion of this this-I find it stated here that His Excellency question, because every one who has considerthe Governor General is the ed the subject knows that His Excellency Viceroy of Her Majesty. Now, Sir, we is not a Viceroy. His Excellency is a Govknow right well that that is a misernor General. He is intrusted with the take. We know that in the British em- executive powers, to the extent mentioned in pire there may be but two persons holding the Commission, which are necessarily conthat position. The one is the Lord Lieuten- ferred upon him in consequence of the proant of Ireland, the other the Governor Gen-visions of the British North America Act. eral of India. Prior to 1876, when India He is no more a Viceroy than a Lieutenantbecame an empire, and the Queen's pro- Governor, and a Lieutenant-Governor reclamation was issued, the Governor General of India was not a Viceroy, and Lord Can- certain powers, as an executive officer represents Her Majesty. ning was declared by the Queen's pro-presenting Her Majesty, but he is not clothed If a governor had, by virtue of that appointment the whole sovereignty of the colony delegated to him as a viceroy and represented the king in the government of that colony, there would be good reason to contend that an act of sovereignty done by him would be valid and obligatory upon the subject living within his government. And so on, and then he goes on to say that that is not the position of a Governor, because a Governor derives his authority from his commission. He is not intrusted with all the powers belonging to the Sovereign, and therefore is an executive officer, whose executive duties are defined and limited by the commission which he has received, and the instructions which are from time to time given to him. I see, in the case of Musgrove vs. Pulido, there is exactly the same doctrine laid down by Sir Montague Smith, in which it is said: It is apparent from these authorities that the Governor of a colony (in ordinary cases) cannot be regarded as a viceroy; nor can it be assumed that he possesses general sovereign power. His authority is derived from his commission, and limited to the powers thereby expressly or impliedly entrusted to him. He is clothed with its good fortune in the matter of the Behring which the existence of that a purpose, with all the powers that belong to a Sovereign. He is possessed of limited powers, and, that being the case, is not a Viceroy. Two things are necessary to make him such. The one is that a regular Government shall exist under his authority, and the other is that all the powers belonging to the sovereign who is at the head of that Government shall, for the time being, be intrusted to him. I merely mention this because the expression is introduced into the speech of His Excellency to Parliament for the first time, and it is just as well that no mistake should be made upon the subject. But leaving that aside altogether, what is important is to consider what are the measures of practical consequence which the Government propose to bring down. Now, the first and most important is the revision of the tariff, and yet the Government, up to this hour, have not given to the House the slightest information on the subject. Why, we have had for a long series of years the declaration, on the part of Ministers of the Crown. that the tariff was put upon a sound and proper economic basis in 1879-that all the revision the tariff required was that which experience would suggest of a minor character, and which necessarily sprung from the imperfections existing in subordinate matters with which the Ministry could not be supposed to be acquainted—but that these were from time to time corrected and the tariff the part of the United States. To-day. if he goes out for such more and more improved, until we find that since we were here last the Government have regulations having been made, and being sent members of the ministry all over the now in force, he is a wrong-doer; and the country to inquire what was wrong with the rules which the United States undertook to tariff. This measure, which has been under enforce illegally against him, may be legally the consideration of the Government for enforced against him from this time forward. fifteen years, which has been revised by We have got nothing except the barren them, about which they have received almost declaration that our seal-catchers were actevery month in every year deputations point- ing within their rights. The American Goving out defects and asking for changes after ernment has gained this-that hereafter, if discussing this measure in some thirteen our seal catchers undertake to do what they sessions, they sent a commission all over the have done before, they will be trespassers country, and now we are informed by His Ex- against the regulation of public law, so far cellency-that if this paragraph means any as the citizens of the two countries are thing-notwithstanding all these provisions concerned, and will be liable to punishment and all this care, the tariff is so imperfect for their wrong-doing. You make the conthat now it must undergo radical changes- duct of the Canadians, as it has been in the that the machine has been improved until past, illegal for the future; and you make it is no longer practical and workable, that the arbitrary proceedings of the United the country will not have it, and says it is States legal and proper proceedings against necessary to make it something very differ- those who were legitimately pursuing a ent. I think we are entitled to have some legitimate calling. There is another matter. statement of the Minister of what the I think this House was entitled to a declarachanges, in general outline, were which he tion of what the Government intended to do intended to make. We do not call for a on the subject of the French treaty. This discussion of the changes in detail; we shall treaty, it is true, is a little affair. No great have that when the Budget comes down, but public interest is involved in it; but it when the hon. gentleman thought proper to is extremely vexatious. If it were put into put a paragraph like that into the Gov- operation, it would give a great deal of ernor's speech, we require some general ex- trouble without conferring any special adposition of what the Government meant by vantage upon any portion of the community. this paragraph, either from a Minister of Now, what do the Government propose to do the Crown or from one of the hon. gentlemen with it? They have had something like who were asked to move and second the twelve months to consider this question. Address. Then the Government has put in When the House prorogued at the end of a paragraph congratulating the country on last session, the Government were not sure |