December he forwarded it to the President, who was fain to accept it. Edmund Randolph was named and confirmed his successor, and William Bradford, of Pennsylvania, assumed the vacant attorney generalship.

Great Britain showed little appreciation of the efforts of the Government of the United States to maintain its neutrality. A blockade was made against France, and all vessels laden with grain and provisions were seized, their cargoes sold in England, and the money paid to the owners, or their disposal in some neutral port compelled. Americans suffered seriously by this policy, and there was so great feeling that war.seemed inevitable. This bitterness was heightened by the frequent impressment of American seamen, for service in the British navy. Fortunately there came from Pinckney, American minister to England, news that the blockade had been lifted, and that the British minstry had explained that, while American shipping had suffered, it had been only in common with that of other nations, and there had been no intention to injure America more than was unavoidable. This prevented the precipitation of a war.

Still the cry of the friends of France was that the insult to America should be avenged, and, to counteract this influence, Washington deter. mined to send a special envoy to England, to represent to that government the damage done America, and demand indemnification. This plan was loudly condemned by the incendiary party, as cowardly and beneath the dignity of the United States, and this clamor became doubly loud, when the name of Hamilton, the leading Federalist, was unofficially mentioned in connection with the mission. Washington was not wont to be influenced by the popular outcry. The project was carried out, and John Jay named and confirmed as envoy. Nevertheless, the House of Representatives passed a resolution to cut off all communication with England, and only the casting vote of the Vice President defeated the measure in the Senate. At very nearly the same time, the French government requested, as an act of reciprocity, that Governeur Morris, whose ideas were too aristocratic for their ideas, be recalled from France. Though Morris had given entire satisfaction to America, and still possessed the confidence of the President and cabinet, it was deemed best to recall him, and James Monroe was named in his stead.

During the continuance of the French revolution, there had grown up in America a number of democratic societies, modeled on the Jacobin clubs of Paris. The effect of these had been to stimulate the growth of a false independence, which tended to the defiance of authority. A practical effect of this was seen in August, 1794, when the dissatisfaction with the excise laws, which had evoked a proclamation from Washington during his first term, resulted in open revolt of certain citizens of western Pennsylvania. Indictments having been obtained against some of the violators of the law, an officer was despatched to arrest them. Upon the road he was fired upen

and barely escaped with his life. The house of the inspector of revenue was then attacked, but the mob was repulsed. Withdrawing, it obtained new force and returned. As the local militia had shown little disposition to attack the rioters, a small guard from Fort Pitt had been stationed in the house. This was compelled to march out and ground arms, but the inspector and marshal fortunately evaded their assailants, and escaped down the Ohio to a place of safety.

Upon learning of this outrage, Washington issued a proclamation, calling upon the insurgents to disperse to their homes before the first day of the ensuing September, or force would be brought against them to compel submission. It was then openly boasted that they could and would bring seven thousand men into the field, and oppose any effort to coerce them. Washington was not slow in responding to this challenge. He made a requisition upon the states of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Maryland, for militia, and placed the whole under "Light Horse Harry" Lee, then governor of Virginia. The veteran major-general, Morgan, volunteered to accompany the expedition, which moved during the month of September, numbering fifteen thousand men. The approach of such a force was too much for the insurgents, who threw down their arms and begged for mercy. Some were tried for treason, but none convicted, and, so far as the participants were concerned, the affair ended with the leaving of a small body of men, under General Morgan, in the district. It did not, however, end there with Washington. In his next message to Congress, he boldly threw down the gauntlet to the Jacobin societies, charging them with the responsibility for the insurrection, and condemning them as pernicious in the highest degree. The result was exactly what he had doubtless anticipated. It aroused the democratic members of both houses, and in the House of Representatives, that clause of the message was passed with pointed silence. The societies had, however, received a death blow in the downfall and execution of Robespierre, and shortly sank into disrepute, both in France and America. Especially in the United States, the native sense of the people made this downfall most speedy and complete.

On the 20th day of January, 1795, Hamilton performed the last act of his life as Secretary of the Treasury, in proposing an admirably digested plan for the redemption of the public debt, and, in furtherance of a long cherished desire, retired to private life. Washington had been constantly accustomed to his advice and assistance for more than ten years, and the regret which he felt at losing him was only tempered by the happy prospect of so soon following his example. Knox, too, retired from the Cabinet at the close of December, and only Randolph, of its original members, remained. This, though a lesser loss, was nevertheless keenly felt. Washington named Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut, for the treasury, and Timothy Pickering for the war office, and both were confirmed. The most anxious solicitude

pervaded the President's mind regarding the negotiation of Mr. Jay, for a settlement of commercial differences with England. He knew he had gravely imperiled his popularity by entering into the negotiation, and that its failure would be certain to result unpleasantly to him. Beyond this, and far more important, he felt that the peace and prosperity of the country. depended upon a happy issue of the affair. The treaty was finally arranged between Mr. Jay and the British commissioners, on the 19th of November, 1794, but the copy sent on for ratification was only received on the 5th of March, 1795, four days after Congress adjourned. The President at once gave it a most critical examination, and found it to be, as he had anticipated, an affair of give and take. Nevertheless, he felt that the United States was promised advantages which would more than outweigh her concessions, hence he determined to ratify the treaty should it be approved by the Senate. The Senate being convened on the 8th day of June, took up the treaty, article by article, and with closed doors discussed it most laboriously It was desired to keep its matter from public knowledge until it had been acted upon, yet much was reported concerning it, and principally regarding the features most open to objection. The result was to raise a most unreasonable storm, and to bring down upon the head of Washington abuse more bitter and hard to bear than any of that which had ever before been directed at him. Finally, a Democratic Senator gave an abstract of the document to an opposition paper of Philadelphia, and it was published, adding fuel to the already furious flame of public feeling. Yet the Senate confirmed the treaty, save one article, the effect of which was to limit the trade of the Southern states, and with the West Indies. Violent public demonstrations against the treaty were made in all the larger cities and towns, and, at New York and Philadelphia it was burned-in the latter city, before the house of the British minister.

To one of Washington's sensitive honor and consciousness of perfect rectitude, this was sufficiently trying to excuse him for ardently desiring escape from his unsought office. Yet there was another heavy trial awaiting him. While he was considering the question as to ratifying the treaty, he learned that England had renewed the order as to the interception of vessels bound for French ports. Directing that a strong memorial be drawn up and dispatched to England, protesting against its action, he retired to Mount Vernon, there to snatch a few days of much needed rest. He had been at home but a short time when he received a mysterious letter from Pinckney Secretary of the Navy, urging him to come at once to Philadelphia, and to do no important executive act until he should reach that city. Such a message did not permit of delay, and he answered the summons at once. Pinckney then laid before him a dispatch of Fauchet, late French minister, recently supplanted by M. Adet. This was an official communication written to his government, and had been found upon a captured French privateer,