bring them or either of them into contempt or disrepute; or to excite against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition within the United States, or to excite any unlawful combinations therein, for opposing or resisting any law of the United States, or any act of the President of the United States, done in pursuance of any such law, of the powers in him vested by the Constitution of the United States, or to resist, oppose, or defeat any such law or act, or to aid, encourage, or abet any hostile designs of any foreign nation against the United States, their people, or government, then such person, being thereof convicted before any court of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding two years.'

Thus was a gag placed in the mouth of every person in the Union. There could be no more free speech or free expression regarding any measure of Congress. The opposition held that Hamilton had planned deeply, and his plans had assumed definite shape. The minority had the terror of enforcement of this law suspended over their heads should they by word or act condemn any of his measures, or pass stricture on any of his acts. The first victim was Matthew Lyon, a member of Congress, who caused to be published in a Vermont paper, respecting President Adams, that his "every consideration of the public welfare was swallowed up in a continual grasp for power, and unbounded thirst for ridiculous pomp, foolish adulation, and selfish avarice." At a public meeting he had read and commented upon a letter from Joel Barlow, then in France, expressing the sentiment that for his speech to Congress the President should be "sent to a mad-house." On conviction, Mr. Lyon was sentenced to pay a fine of one thousand dollars and suffer four months imprisonment. The unfortunate publisher of the paper was convicted of the publication of the offensive words, and sentenced to two months imprisonment and to pay a fine of two hundred dollars. Other trials and convictions followed during the continuance of the law, which expired by limitation during Jefferson's first term as President. Free speech and free discussion of political matters were then decided constitutional rights of all citizens, and have since been generally so admitted, although some instances of the enforcement of the gag law are on record, notably many years later in the discussions relating to slavery.

The condemnation of both alien and sedition laws was justified by their effect in their entirety, while the restraint of the former upon too speedy naturalization, and of the latter upon conspiracy, were certainly desirable. If federalism had been weary of life and power, it could not have committed a more certainly effectual felo de se than this. There were two hundred newspapers published in the United States at the time, and all but twenty of them were of avowed federalist sympathies, yet the influence of these was in no case actively engaged in favor of these laws. Congress was rained

with petitions for their repeal, public meetings everywhere condemned them, and several state legislatures denounced them as unconstitutional. Another pregnant cause of discontent was the imposition of direct taxes, which produced so great disorder in Pennsylvania, that it was necessary, for a second time, to call upon the governor of that state to order out the militia to enforce obedience to the laws.

In the sixth Congress, was still a federalist majority. Theodore Sedgwick, of Massachusetts, a prominent member of that party, was speaker of the House, and the President received in answer to his speech, assurances of the approval of both houses. This was a strictly party demonstration, and meant simply that the federalists were in a majority. In December came news of the death of Washington, and, after the usual adjournment, the Congress resumed the business of a singularly laborious session, during which eighteen hundred acts were passed, further providing for the defense of the country and for the protection of commerce; for maintaining peace with the Indians, and for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt, in cases decided by the courts of the United States; a bankrupt act; laws for the increase of import duties; for the extension of the post-office, and for the taking of a census in the year 1800,-these were among its most important

measures.

The popular opposition to the administration of Adams grew daily stronger. The danger of war with France being past, and the popular ebullition over, the pressure of taxes was severely felt and strongly resented. As may be supposed, the opposition did not permit this dissatisfaction to fail for lack of fomentation. When came the time for the selection, by congressional caucuses, of the candidates of the respective parties for President and Vice President, the federalists named John Adams and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney; the democrats, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr. Under the state constitutions then existing many of the electors were to be chosen by legislative votes; this was true of New York, and, such being the case, the election of members of the legislature of that state,—the first to occur after the nomination was peculiarly significant in pointing to the result of the Presidential election. It occurred on the 29th and 30th of April, and the 1st of May, 1800, and was favorable to the democrats, thus reversing the vote by which Adams had been elected. The effect of this may, in some degree, be judged at the present day by that of elections in "October states"; it was to encourage the democrats, to nerve the federalists to renewed efforts, and to vastly embitter the struggle between them. It was immediately after this election, that Mr. Adams removed Pickering and McHenry from his cabinet. This action drew from Hamilton a letter condemning the conduct and impugning the character of the President. This was published in a pamphlet, and was industriously circulated, having a very marked effect in securing the annihilation of the federalist party. It was but nat

ural that a direct repudiation of the nominee of a party by the man who was recognized as its leader, should have such an effect. Hamilton did not intend to elect Jefferson, but Pinckney; his pamphlet was intended to be circulated among federalists, not democrats, but it came into the hands of the latter, and quite overreached its original intention.

It was believed by some that South Carolina would vote for Adams and Pinckney, but when, in December, 1800, her electoral votes were given for Jefferson and Burr, the fate of the federalists was recognized as sealed. The electoral colleges duly met and gave their votes as follows: Jefferson, seventy-three; Burr, seventy-three; Adams, sixty-five; Pinckney, sixtyfour; John Jay, one. Thus the election was thrown into the House, with the result of electing Jefferson to the Presidency.

On the 22d of November, 1800, the sixth Congress met in the new capital city, Washington, and Adams presented his last regular message. John Marshall, of Virginia, was secretary of state, in place of Pickering, and Samuel Dexter, of Massachusetts, secretary of war, in place of McHenry. On the 31st of December following, Oliver Wolcott resigned the treasury portfolio, and was replaced by Dexter, Roger Griswold, of Connecticut, being made secretary of war.

The remainder of Mr. Adams' administration calls for comment in only one particular. During the winter Congress passed a bill, amending the judiciary system by dividing the United States into six judicial districts, and appointing three judges for each, thus leaving the bench of the supreme court free to act only upon appeals and in error. Between the 13th of February and the 4th of March, 1801, President Adams, with the consent of the Senate, appointed judges to fill these newly created vacancies, and issued their commissions, upon the eve of Jefferson's inauguration. This action was of course a party expedient, and called down upon him much severe criticism. The appointees were called "Adams' midnight judges," by reason of the supposed hour of their appointment. They lost their offices early in Jefferson's term, by reason of the repeal of the law under which they were appointed.

On the 11th of February, 1801, the electoral votes were counted, the tie being announced by Jefferson, as president of the Senate. This threw the vote into the House, which balloted thirty-six times, finally electing Jefferson President, and Burr Vice President. On the 4th of March, the new President was inaugurated, and Adams retired forever from public life.

Mr. Adams laid down the duties of the presidency, an irritated, disappointed man. Not that he desired the office; had he been defeated, after receiving the hearty support of his party, he would have gone cheerfully and happily to his home, but he felt that the swords of his enemies in front. and the daggers of false friends behind, had combined to cut him off. He

felt a strong and deep-seated distrust of the democratic party, and a personal irritation toward Thomas Jefferson, the incarnation of its principles. With characteristic disregard for appearances very unwise in its effect upon himself and sadly undignified, he refused to remain at Washington to attend the inauguration of the President-elect, and hastened to his farm at Quincy, which he never, save once, left for any public service. That once was between the 15th of November, 1820, and the 9th of January, 1821, when, Maine having been erected into a state, a new constitution was framed for Massachusetts. He served in this convention, and thus aided in building both the constitutions of his state.

So soon as he reached Quincy, he seemed to drop into the condition described by the poet:

"The world forgetting, by the world forgot;"

bitter in the estimate of his wrongs and his feeling toward his enemies, he was not the recipient during the first year of more than one hundred let ters. The world not unnaturally judged harshly of his action in deserting Washington before the inauguration, and the federal party made him the scapegoat for its defeat. His feeling toward Jefferson was at that time so bitter that, then and for many years, there was no communication between them. Finally, with the death of old parties and the change of issues, there came to be a very different feeling. Adams and Jefferson were reconciled; the world regarded the wonderful services of the former more than his errors, and his time was again filled by correspondence and visits of respect, He lived upon his farm at Quincy, eking out his slender income by its pro ducts, and living a life of which one day was so like another that one is at a loss to describe any. He lived to see his son United States senator, minister to St. James, secretary of state, President of the United States—to see: the full fruition of his own teaching, and the carrying of his name in high and increasing honor. Feebleness came with great age; his wife had already found rest in the green cemetery at Quincy. Finally approached Inde pendence day, 1826; the people of Quincy sent a messenger to crave his presence at their celebration; he was too weak to go but sent a toast, "INDEPENDEnce ForeveR.” This was drunk, and almost before the shouts which greeted it had sunk into silence, John Adams, with the words "Thomas Jefferson still survives," had passed away, following, by but a few hours, the illustrious man who commanded his last thought.

In taking leave of this stalwart figure that held its own so bravely among the early statesmen of America, it is proper to refer somewhat to the personal traits and gifts of character that made him what he was. The testimony of his son and grandson* is, apparently, not so clouded by personal affection or pride of family as to injure the truth or honesty of the picture :

The Life of John Adams.' Begun by John Quincy Adams: completed by Charles Francis Adams.

"In figure, John Adams was not tall, scarcely exceeding middle height, but of a stout, well knit frame, denoting vigor and long life, yet as he grew old, inclining more and more to corpulence. His head was large and round, with a wide forehead and expanded brows. His eye was mild and benignant, perhaps even humorous, when he was free from emotion, but when excited, it fully expressed the vehemence of the spirit that stirred within. His presence was grave and imposing on serious occasions, but not unbending. He delighted in social conversation, in which he was sometimes tempted to what he called rodomontade. But he seldom fatigued those who heard him, for he mixed so much of natural vigor, of fancy and of illustration with the stores of his acquired knowledge, as to keep alive their interest for a long time. His affections were warm, though not habitually demonstrated, towards his relatives. His anger, when thoroughly roused, was, for a time, extremely violent, but when it subsided it left no trace of malevolence behind. Nobody could see him intimately without admiring the simplicity and truth which shone in his action, and standing in some awe at the reserved power of his will. It was in these moments that ne impressed those around him with a sense of his greatness. . . . At times his vehemence would become so great as to make him overbearing and unjust. This was most apt to happen in cases of pretension or any kind of wrong-doing. Mr. Adams was very impa tient of cant, of sciolism, or of opposition to any of his deeply-established convictions. Neither was his indignation at all graduated to the character of the individuals who might happen to excite it. It had little respect of persons, and would hold an illiterate man or a raw boy to as heavy a responsibility for uttering a crude heresy, as the strongest thinker or the • most profound scholar. His nature was too susceptible to overtures of sympathy and kindness, for it tempted him to trust more than was prudent in the professions of some who proved unworthy of his confidence. Ambitious, in one sense, he certainly was, but it was not the mere aspiration for place or power. It was the desire to excel in the minds of men, by the development of high qualities, the love, in short, of an honorable fame, that stirred him to exult in the rewards of popular favor. Yet this passion never tempted him to change a course of action or to suppress a serious conviction; to bend to a prevailing error, or to disavow an odious truth.

"In two things he was favored above most men. He was happily married to a woman whose character was singularly fitted to develop every good point of his; a person with a mind capable of comprehending his, with affections strong enough to respond to his sensibility, with a sympathy equal to his highest aspirations, and yet with flexibility sufficient to yield to his stronger will without impairing her own dignity. In this blessed relation he was permitted to continue for fifty-four years, embracing far more than