taining to the growth and prosperity of the nation, and had committed his observations to writing, probably no one person in America was better qualified to make a candid and intelligent estimate of the resources and possibilities of America than he. His notes were on loose slips, not at all arranged; he had prepared them at some length for the accommodation of the gentleman requesting the information, and proposed to publish a few copies for presentation to friends who were interested in the subject, but the terms of publication were so exorbitant he was deterred from so doing. After he had become settled in Paris he ascer tained that the work could be done there at about one-fourth the price demanded in America. He therefore revised and extended the original matter and caused two hundred copies to be printed under the title of Notes on Virginia. These were given to friends in Europe and America. A book dealer chanced to obtain a copy, which he caused to be translated into French, and submitted to Mr. Jefferson for revision. It was filled with glaring errors, bu not having time to thoroughly revise it, the proof was returned to the publisher, who issued the volume. A London publisher secured a copy and requested permission to print an English edition. This permission Mr. Jefferson readily granted, thinking it best to have an accurate work published to counteract the false inpressions that might arise from the French work.

The articles of confederation were hastily and indefinitely drawn, and when the immediate necessities of war had passed away, and peace was assured to the cour try, each state became more independent of the others. True, a semblance of general government was kept up by the election of delegates to Congress, but the states did not provide such adequate means for the sustentation of home and foreign relations as was neces sary for the establishment of treaties of commerce and the maintaining diplomatic relations abroad. Some contributed small amounts and some none at all. These latter furnished an excuse for others, and finally the wheels of government became almost blocked. This state of things existed until the adoption of a constitution drew the states into more intimate relations, which were further strengthened by the election of a President and a Vice President. The election of Mr. Adams, late minister to England, to the second place in the government, closely followed his return to his native country. He had been appointed minister to England while associated with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson, in a commission for the formation of treaties with such foreign powers as were disposed to establish commercial relations with the United States. His place of residence had been at the Hague, and he had not taken leave of that government before proceeding to London. During his residence at the Hague he had a general authority to proc ire loans of such sums as were necessary to the maintenance of diplomatic relations, and to meet the interest on the public debt.

A limited sum had been deposited with Mr. Grand, the banker, of Paris, for the accommodation of the commissioners there, but this had been overdrawn, and the banker refused to make further advances until a deposit had been made. A company which had made a small loan to the United States. was pressing for payment of its claim; the bankers in Amsterdam were becoming anxious regarding the large sums they had provided, the interest on which would become due in June; failure in the payment of these demands would impair the credit of the government and prevent the future negotiation of bonds. Application had been made to the financial agent for remittances covering the sums deinanded, and had produced a candid statement that no funds could be depended on until the new government should become settled and in full working order. Mr. Adams, before leaving London, had notified the bankers to present their claims to Mr. Jefferson in the future. The latter had no authority to issue bonds, no familiarity with the financial affairs of the United States in Europe, and was totally without resources to provide for the contingency. In this state of affairs it was imperative that he confer with Mr. Adams, and this determined him to journey to the Hague. Mr. Adams saw the necessity for immediate action. The financial matters of the Republic were of paramount importance. Mr. Jefferson prepared an estimate of the sum required. He found there was necessity that provision be made for the years 1788, 1789, and 1790, before the government would be in condition to meet its obligations. There would be required for this purpose 1,544,017-10 florins. There was available a sum amounting to 622,687-2-8 florins, leaving to be supplied 921,949-7-4. It was proposed to issue bonds for 1,000,000 florins, which would realize 920,000, after deducting the expense of negotiation. This would still leave a small deficiency of 1,949-7-4 florins, which could stand unpaid until further provision was made. Bonds were accordingly issued by Mr. Adams, in sums of 1,000 florins each, and placed in the hands of the bankers, with instructions not to put them on the market until the loan had been sanctioned by Congress. Mr. Jefferson then returned to Paris, eased in mind, and with the satisfaction that the credit of the nation was safe, for the time, at least, and he relieved from the importunities of its creditors.

In 1784 Dr. Franklin had agreed upon certain articles in a consular convention with the French government, entirely at variance with the spirit of the laws of several states of the Union, which Congress refused to ratify, and returned to Mr. Jefferson with instructions to have them expunged, or modified to conform to our laws. The concessions were made after much discussion, and the articles signed on the 14th of November, 1788.

The connection of Mr. Jefferson with the revolt of the colonies and the securing of their independence from the domination of Great Britain, caused him to make careful study of the events which preceded and led to the French revolution. From his earliest acquaintance with the Marquis

de Lafayette he had recognized in him the principles of republicanism, and his own life in France brought him in contact with the leading spirits in the intellectual agitation which preceded and produced the revolution. While in strong sympathy with the movement, Mr. Jefferson maintained in the strictest sense the policy of non-intervention, recognizing the fact that he was the accredited representative of a nation at peace and holding friendly relations with the court of France. He was once requested to attend and assist in the deliberations of a convention formed to frame a constitution supplementary to a declaration of rights, but excused himself on the ground that his duties were limited to the concerns of his own country. The consistency he showed in maintaining the position he had taken, caused him to be trusted by both patriots and royalists. The minister of state was his friend and personally requested that he assist at such conferences as were aimed toward a reformation.

The excesses of the revolution did not begin until several years after these events, and Mr. Jefferson was not in France at the time of their occurFor more than a year he had been awaiting an opportunity to return home, with a view to placing his daughters under the care of friends, and in the midst of American society, but the changes in the govern ment and the many affairs to be carefully attended to before it would become settled on a stable foundation, had prevented Congress granting him leave of absence. It was not until near the last of August that matters had been placed in such shape that he could leave. His arrangements for temporary absence completed, on the 29th of September, 1789, he left Paris for Havre, where he was detained until the 8th of October. On the 9th he arrived at Cowes, where he had made arrangements to take passage in the ship Clermont. A delay of some ten days ensued, caused by contrary winds, and during this interval he visited objects of interest on the Isle of Wight, particularly Carisbrooke castle, the refuge of Charles the First in 1648. Resuming the journey, he reached Norfolk November 23d. Traveling homeward from that port, he passed several days with friends in Eppington, and while there received a letter from General, then President, Washington, inviting him to a seat in his cabinet. The letter of the President was as follows:

"NEW YORK, October 13, 1789.

"SIR: In the selection of characters to fill the important offices of government, in the United States, I was naturally led to contemplate the talents and dispositions which I knew you to possess and entertain for the service of your country; and without being able to consult your inclination, or to derive any knowledge of your intention from your letters, either to myself, or to any other of your friends, I was determined, as well by motives of private regard, as a conviction of public propriety, to nominate you for the department of state, which, under its present organization, involves