articles. This being concluded to the satisfaction of the convention, and the form thus prepared adopted, the committee was continued and instructed to prepare an address to the people.

Immediately following the acceptance of the Constitution by the convention, a resolution passed for laying it before Congress. Mr. Madison, who was a member of Congress as well as of the convention, arrived in New York September 24th, a few days after the proposed constitution had been delivered to that body. He found some of its articles had been criticized by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, and Nathan Deane, of Massa chusetts, who declared that the new constitution should not be submitted to the people by the body that had derived its existence from the present constitution of federation. Mr. Madison was equal to the occasion, and reminded Congress that it had recommended the convention as a proper means for obtaining “a firm, national government," and that it ill became members to propose captious objections to the carrying forward of a plan they had themselves endorsed. The difficulties encountered in the hall of Congress were overcome, and on the 28th the following resolution was adopted: "Congress having received the report of the convention lately assembled in Philadelphia, resolve unanimously that the said report, with the resolutions and letter accompanying the same, be transmitted to the several legislatures, in order to be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof, in conformity to the resolves of the convention made and provided in that case." This result was undoubtedly due, in great measure, to the influence of Mr. Madison. The Constitution was then placed in the hands of the people, where its merits and demerits were fully and impartially discussed.

During the months that followed, Mr. Madison, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Jay contributed to the Federalist a series of essays explanatory of the principles of government, discussing every phase that could in any manner or by any possibility affect the Constitution, or be affected by it. The collection comprised eighty-five essays, of which number it is known Mr. Madison wrote twenty-nine, while Mr. Hamilton was the author of the greater part of the remainder.

On the 1st of October, 1787, the board of trustees and faculty of Princeton college conferred on Mr. Madison the degree of doctor of laws. In forwarding him the diploma a few weeks later, Dr. Witherspoon thus addressed him:

"SIR,-The diploma for the degree of doctor of laws, which the trus tees and faculty of this college did themselves the honor of conferring on you last commencement, ought to have been sent long ago but, as there are no printed forms for the honorary degree, we often find it difficult to get them properly executed. This occasioned a little delay, which has been protracted to a very blamable length. It now accompanies this letter; and

I hope you will have no difficulty in believing that all concerned in this college were not barely willing, but proud of the opportunity of paying some attention to, and giving testimony of their approbation of, one of their own sons who, has done them so much honor by his public conduct. And, as it has been my peculiar happiness to know, perhaps more than any of them, your usefulness in an important station, on that and some other accounts, there was none to whom it gave more satisfaction."

The legislature of Delaware was first to ratify the Constitution, which it did by an unanimous vote December 7, 1787. Pennsylvania, by a vote of forty-six to twenty-three, did the same on the 12th of December, and on the 18th New Jersey gave her assent without an opposing vote. On the 2d of January following, Georgia wheeled into line with unanimity, and one week later Connecticut subscribed to the Constitution by a vote of one hundred and twenty-eight to forty. Thus far no serious opposition had been encountered, but the assembling of the convention of Massachusetts January 9th, produced a check to further progress, and it required four weeks of discussion, followed by the adoption of a proposition for amendment to accompany the Constitution, before it was ratified, by a majority of but nineteen in a body of three hundred and forty-five members present. The New Hampshire convention next met, February 19th. So intense a degree of opposition was here met that the friends of the movement deemed it best to adjourn until the third Wednesday in June, in order to allow of further informing the people regarding the provisions of the Constitution. The convention of Maryland assembled April 21st, and seven days later voted for ratification, sixty-three votes being given in its favor as against eleven. opposed. The South Caroline convention was in session twelve days, and ratified the Constitution by a vote of one hundred and forty ayes to sev enty-three nays. Eight states had now signined their assent to the adop tion of the Constitution, while the ratification of nine states was required before its establishment among the number thus acting.

Throughout this period Mr. Madison had kept up a continuous corres.. pondence with leading men in each of the states, in which he had learned the probable amount of opposition that would be encountered, and had given advice and encouragement to pursue unflinchingly a consistent course in urging the adoption of the Constitution. Virginia was the ninth state in order, to consider the claims of the Constitution in convention, and from the information he possessed of the opposition to be there encountered, and the character and standing of its opponents, he felt that the issue was in doubt. Two of the delegates from Virginia, Colonel Mason and Governor Randolph, had refused to sign the Constitution in the general convention, while Richard Henry Lee had been prompt in his opposition in Congress. General Washington, who had served as presiding officer in the convention, and was himself in favor of the Constitution, had sent copies of it to Patrick

Henry, General Thomas Nelson, and Colonel Benjamin Harrison. Each responded with expressions of personal esteem, but of aversion to the proposed change.

Against this powerful opposition were arrayed General Washington, James Madison, Mr. Blair, George Wythe, Edmund Pendleton, and some others of less prominence. The general assembly met at Richmond, October 15, 1787, and during the session settled upon Monday, the 2d day of June, 1788, for the assembling of the convention. Throughout the session. the subject of ratification of the Constitution was uppermost in the thoughts of all. Though absent in Congress, Mr. Madison was kept so fully informed of the condition of affairs as to be able to take a comprehensive view of the field of public opinion there as elsewhere. The following letter addressed to Mr. Jefferson, then in Paris, under date December 9, 1787, gives his view of the situation at that time:

"The Constitution proposed by the late convention engrosses almost the whole political attention of America. All the legislatures, except that of Rhode Island, which have been assembled, have agreed in submitting it to state conventions. Virginia has set the example of opening a door for amendments, if the convention should choose to propose them. Maryland has copied it. The states which preceded referred the Constitution, as recommended by the general convention, to be ratified or rejected as it stands. The body of the people in Virginia-particularly in the upper and lower country, and in the northern neck-are, as far as I can gather, much disposed to adopt the new Constitution. The middle country and the south side of James river are principally in the opposition to it. As yet a large majority of the people are under the first description; as also, are a majority of the assembly. What change may be produced by the united influence of Mr. Henry, Mr. Mason, and the governor, with some pretty able auxiliaries, is uncertain. My information leads me to suppose there must be three parties in Virginia. The first, for adopting, without attempting amendments. This includes General Washington, and the other deputies who signed the Constitution; Mr. Pendleton, Mr. Marshall, I believe; Mr. Nicholas, Mr. Corbin, Mr. Zachariah Johnson, Colonel Innes, Mr. Beverly Randolph, I understand; Mr. Harvie, Mr. Gabriel Jones, Dr. Walter Jones, etc. At the head of the second party, which urges amendments, are the governor and Mr. Mason. These do not object to the substance of the government, but contend for a few additional guards in favor of the rights of the states and the people. I am not able to enu merate the characters who fall in with their ideas, as distinguished from the third class, at the head of which is Mr. Henry. This class concurs, at present, with the patrons of amendments; but will contend for such as strike at the essence of the system, and must lead to an adherence to the princi ple of the existing confederation,-which most thinking men are convinced

is a visionary one,-or to a partition of the Union into several confederacies. Mr. Harrison, the late governor, is with Mr. Henry. The general and admiralty courts, with most of the bar, oppose the Constitution; but on what particular grounds I am unable to say. General Nelson, Mr. John Page, Colonel Bland, etc., are also opponents; but on what principles, or to what extent, I am equally at a loss to say. In general, I must note that I speak, with respect to many of them, from information that may not be accurate, and merely as I should do in a free and confidential conversation with you. Mr. Henry is the great adversary who will render the event precarious. He is, I find, with his usual address, working up every possible interest into a spirit of opposition.

"It is worthy of remark, that, whilst in Virginia and some of the other states in the middle and southern districts of the Union, the men of intelligence, patriotism, property, and independent circumstances are thus divided, all of this description, with a few exceptions, in the eastern states and most of the middle states, are zealously attached to the proposed Constitution. It is not less worthy of remark, that in Virginia, where the mass of the people have been so much accustomed to be guided by their rulers on all new and intricate questions, they should on the present, which certainly surpasses the judgment of the greater part of them, not only go before, but contrary to, their most popular leaders; and the phenomenon is the more wonderful, as a popular ground is taken by all the adversaries of the new Constitution. Perhaps the solution in both these cases would not be very difficult; but it would lead to observations too dif fusive, and to you unnecessary. I will barely observe, that the case in Virginia serves to prove that the body of sober and steady people, even of the lower order, are tired of the vicissitudes, injustice, and follies which have so much characterized public measures, and are impatient for some change which promises stability and repose."

The strongest opponents of the Constitution in Virginia, were undoubtedly Patrick Henry, Colonel Mason, and Richard Henry Lee. The weight of their influence was felt on all sides, but, as Mr. Madison states in the letter previously quoted, the people were in advance of their leaders. The objections of Colonel Mason were at first limited, but eventually extended to condemnation of every article. The plan he followed was to alarm the people by prophesying a lapse into monarchy after a short trial of the unit system as a republic. Mr. Lee was actuated by much the same spirit; and Mr. Henry hesitated at no measure that could be furthered by his unmatched eloquence.

The adjournment of the legislature on the 8th of January, transferred the advocacy of and opposition to the Constitution to the broad field of the state. Into the contest for the election of delegates to the convention members carried with them the sentiments they had adhered to in the assembly.