of the Floridas, had been ceded by Spain to France by a secret treaty. On the earliest information that Spain had withdrawn the privilege of deposit, the federalists seemed determined to incite a war against France and Spain. Measures calculated to produce this were brought forward in Congress; the good sense of a large majority of the representatives favored cooler and more deliberate measures than suited the opposition, who were, however, constrained to submit to the will of the majority. Two millions of dollars were appropriated to defray expenses that might be incurred in securing permanent right to the country bordering the lower Mississippi. Robert R. Livingston had accepted the French mission immediately following the change of administration; his reception by the court of France had been exceedingly cool, and information regarding the reputed purchase of Louisiana was studiously avoided. His instructions were: to attempt to obtain that portion of west Florida lying east of the Mississippi river. In this he met with no encouragement; and on proposing purchase was informed by the minister that "none but spendthrifts satisfied their debts by selling their lands." He soon learned that colonization was a favorite scheme of Napoleon Bonaparte, who had now no expensive wars upon his hands, and saw in Louisiana a means to dispose of his armies as well as gratify his friends. April 24th he wrote that the French government was "at that moment fitting out an armament of between five and seven thousand men, under the command of General Bernadotte," which would sail for New Orleans, "unless the state of affairs in San Domingo should change their destination." He therefore urged the United States to establish a post at Natchez, that would, he thought, give almost equal facilities with New Orleans.

That the purpose of the administration was foreign to this proposal is determined in the letter of the President to Mr. Monroe. On the 12th of March, Livingston wrote the secretary of state, Mr. Madison: "With respect to a negotiation for Louisiana, I think nothing will be effected here. I have done everything I can, through the Spanish ambassador, to obstruct the bargain [between France and Spain] for the Floridas, and I have great hope that it will not be soon concluded."

For some time differences between the continental rations had been brewing trouble. Napoleon had been held up to odium in the British parliament, and in various publications; England was, if anything, anxious for

No better time could have been chosen for obtaining from France the coveted territory, on the most satisfactory terms. Early in April the French ministry changed its tone, and Talleyrand inquired whether the United States "wished the whole of Louisiana." He was informed by Mr. Livingston that our wishes extended only to New Orleans and the Floridas." Talleyrand replied, if the French "gave New Orleans the rest would be of little value, and that he would wish to know what the United States would give for the whole." The American minister had, a few days, previously,

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furnished the French government with the resolutions of Congress regarding the navigation of the Mississippi; a French council had in the meantime been held, at which it had been decided to sell the territory acquired from Spain, as in case of war with England, France could not hope to hold this distant colony, which had no feeling of interest in her success or defeat.

Mr. Monroe arrived off the coast on the 12th of April. On the 13th M. Marbois, the French treasurer, informed Mr. Livingston that Bonaparte said to him on Sunday: "You have charge of the treasury; let them give you one hundred millions of francs, and pay their own claims, and take the whole country." This proposition Livingston was not free to accept until he had consulted with Monroe. On the 15th the two ministers offered the sum of fifty millions of francs, and quietly awaited events. Not long had they to remain in doubt; war was swiftly coming, and France had pressing need of money. On the 30th of April a treaty and two conventions were entered into between the American and French ministers, by which the entire province of Louisiana was ceded by France to the United States, for the sum of sixty millions of francs to be paid directly to France,twenty millions of francs to be paid citizens of the United States as indemnity for seizures and confiscations of American vessels. It was also provided that the inhabitants of the province should "be incorporated into the union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States; and, in the mean time, they should be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they professed." French and Spanish ships were, for the space of twelve years, to be allowed entrance to any port in the ceded territory, on the same terms and in the same manner as American vessels coming from the same or similar ports belonging to either of those nations.

Thus, by the exercise of diplomacy, was assured the purchase of a large territory, for the sum of fifteen millions of dollars. Just eleven days after the conclusion of the treaty of cession, the British minister received his passports and left France, and the bloody struggle was begun, which finally ended only with the banishment of the ambitious Corsican who for so many years had fomented discord in Europe.

The result of the negotiations being communicated to the government. Mr. Monroe crossed the channel and succeeded Rufus King as minister to the court of St. James. Mr. King had served in that capacity during the Presidency of Adams, having been accredited minister about the time Monroe was recalled from France. He had been requested by President Jeffer son to remain in the same capacity, but his sympathies being with the federalist party, he chose to resign. Here Mr. Monroe sought an arrangement for the protection of American seamen against impressment, and for the rec

ognition of the rights of neutrals. Without accomplishing his object in this direction, he was suddenly called to Spain, to co-operate with Mr. Pinckney in the settlement of a dispute which had arisen relative to boundaries between that portion of the Floridas ceded to the United States by France, and that portion retained by Spain.

Here again the controversy was left unsettled, and Mr. Monroe was recalled to London to maintain the rights of the United States as neutrals in the war then waging with France. He was soon joined by William Pinkney, who had been appointed minister to England; together they negotiated a treaty in 1806, which, although not as favorable as they could have wished, was yet deemed by them advantageous to the United States. This treaty was concluded December 31st. Early in January the government learned that a treaty containing no stipulations regarding impressment of American seamen, was under consideration; and on the 3d of February forwarded to the ministers instructions to insist on this one point; that in case a treaty had been entered into which did not provide against impressment, it would not be ratified. Unfortunately the treaty had already been signed, the 31st of December. In addition to the omission of the stipulation demanded, came a declaration of the British ministry that their government reserved the right of departing from its stipulations relating to neutrality, if the United States submitted to demands of search made by France.

Without submitting the treaty to Congress, President Jefferson returned it to Mr. Monroe, with the explanation that its provisions, if agreed to, would bind the United States in a manner foreign to its interests, for the term of ten years, while it gave Great Britain the largest latitude; that is he saw amendment of the treaty impossible, he had best return and allow Mr. Pinkney to procrastinate negotiations, "and give us time, the most precious of all things to us." He then offered Mr. Monroe the governorship of New Orleans, at that period "the second office in the United States in importance." The effect of this action of the President was to produce an unpleasantness in the mind of Monroe, who conceived the course followed by Mr. Jefferson as ill-advised, in that the treaty was not submitted to Congress. However, this would have been of no avail, as the state of feeling in the United States at that time was strongly determined against any stipulations that did not expressly provide for discontinuance of the outrage of impressment. The affair of the Chesapeake and Leopard, which occurred about this time, detained Mr. Monroe for a short period, when he returned to the United States, in the late autumn of 1807. During Monroe's absence in Europe occurred the defection of John Randolph, chairman of the committee of ways and means, in the House. Hitherto he had been classed among the friends of the administration; now he became an outspoken opponent of Jefferson, Madison, and others, the leaders of the party in power. In opposition to the nomination of Mr. Madison as the

successor of President Jefferson, he organized a smail party of malcontents, who were dubbed the "Quids.' Among their earliest measures was the advocacy of James Monroe as candidate for President.

Coupled with Monroe's dissatisfaction in regard to Jefferson's course in the matter of the treaty, was the belief that he was secretly endeavoring to promote Madison's interests, and secure the nomination of the secretary of state for President, instead of giving him an equal chance by remaining neutral. This belief was shared by a large majority of the friends of Monroe. On the 19th of January, 1808, a caucus of republican members of Congress was called, to meet on the 23d, and put in nomination candidates for the offices of President and Vice President. The caucus was held, and consisted of eighty-nine members, some thirty or forty short of the whole number; the absentees being mostly those who saw no prospect for the nomination of the candidate of their choice. In the caucus for President Madison received eighty-three votes, Clinton three, and Monroe three; for Vice President, Clinton received seventy-nine votes, John Langdon five, General Dearborn three, and John Quincy Adams one. The result was embarrassing to the administration. The friends of Monroe refused to acquiesce in the decision of the caucus, and a protest, signed by seventeen of the "Quids, was soon after published. Several communications passed between Jefferson and Monroe,—the latter writing with considerable warmth of feeling, before the breach was healed. In these letters Mr. Jefferson disavowed any influence on the side of either, though undoubtedly his preferences were for Madison, who possessed the greater intellect, and was really the better entitled to the honor. Mr. Madison in later years testified to the character of Monroe, and the unimpeded flow of their friendship, in the following words: "His understanding was very much underrated—his judgment particularly good. Few men have ever made more of what may be called sacrifices in the services of the public. When he considered the interests or the dignity of the country involved, his own interest was never regarded. Besides this cause, his extreme generosity-not only to the numerous members of his family dependent upon him-but to friends not united by blood, has greatly tended to his impoverishment. Perhaps there never was another instance of two men brought so often, and so directly, at points, who retained their cordiality towards each other unimpaired through the whole. We used to meet in days of considerable excite. ment, and address the people on our respective sides; but there never was an atom of ill will between us.

"

Three years elapsed following Mr. Monroe's return from the English mission, before he again entered political life. History gives no intimation of his life during this period. As he was educated to the law it is probable he practiced at the bar. In 1811 he was again elected governor of Virginia, which office he held until November of that year, when he succeeded Rob

ert Smith in the cabinet of Mr. Madison, as secretary of state. In this office he remained during President Madison's administration; after the British capture of Washington, in August, 1814, adding to his duties those of secretary of war, which department was resigned by General Armstrong. He arranged for the defense of New Orleans, and conducted affairs connected with the war office until peace was signed. In raising funds for the defense of New Orleans, he was compelled to pledge his private credit, the credit of the government at that time being at a low ebb. After the conclusion of peace he resumed his duties in the department of state; where he devised those measures which aimed at the reestablishment of the credit of the government and more complete prepara. tion for exigencies similar to that through which it had just passed. In the course adopted he was sustained by public opinion; and he followed the same line of policy during the two terms he occupied the presidential chair.