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anxious that the case should be so represented to England as to induce a reconsideration of the offensive acts, an adjustment of difficulties upon the basis of mutual interest, and the preservation of those relations under which he had been born and grown to maturity. Few men then thought of separation between the colonies and England, as a possibility; those few regarded it only as a remote contingency, and a very calamitous one as well. So slow is the Anglo-Saxon to assume, even in his own mind, the attitude of a revolutionist.

It was, indeed, a serious question that met Washington's consideration, and one which, to all appearances, could receive but one consistent answer, were he at all to regard his personal, pecuniary, or social interests. Every tradition of his family and colony, every environment of his life, every consideration of ambition, friendship, and taste, tended to the cause of royalty -to make him a tory. Here was he living upon a magnificent estate, rich, independent, respected; having received more than one indication of high consideration from the home government, intimately associated with men who, like the Fairfaxes, were fixed, though moderate, royalists; raising his tobacco year by year, receiving a good price for it in England, and caring little for the privilege of importing from any other than English ports. What had he to lose by a continuance or increase of the exercise of a control under which he had so greatly prospered; what could he possibly gain by identifying himself with the cause of a few scattered, poor, and weak colonies, with no better assurance of unity than the possession of a common grievance against the most powerful maritime, military, and commercial nation in the world? These questions came up to him and to the majority of representative Virginians, whose interests were like his, and so different from those of the commercial colonies of New York and New England. In a letter written April 5, 1769, to George Mason, Washington speaks of the non-importation agreement, then being warmly advocated, and later so generally adopted, in the following words, which give a clear statement of the difference of interest between New England and Virginia, and at the same time, show how carefully he considered the effect of such a resolve upon his own fortunes, thus emphasizing the significance of the warm adherence he later gave to that and to more radical movements:

"The Northern colonies, it appears, are endeavoring to adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a good one, and must be attended with salutary effects, provided it can be pretty generally carried into execution. . That there will be a difficulty attending it everywhere, from clashing interests and selfish, designing men, ever attentive to their own gain, and watchful of every turn that can assist their lucrative views, cannot be denied, and, in the tobacco colonies, where the trade is so diffused, and, in a manner, wholly conducted by factors for their principals at home, these difficulties are certainly enhanced, but I think not insurmountably

increased, if the gentlemen, in their several counties, will be at some pains to explain matters to the people, and stimulate them to cordial agreements to purchase none but certain enumerated articles out of any of the stores, after a definite period, and neither import nor purchase any themselves.

I can see but one class of people, the merchants excepted, who will not, or ought not to, wish well to the scheme, namely, those who live genteelly and hospitably upon clear estates. Such as these, were they not to consider the valuable object in view, and the good of others, might think it hard to be curtailed of their living and enjoyments." The italics used in the words "gentlemen" and "people," are simply intended to indicate how naturally the mind of Washington, or that of any man sharing his position, at that time, made distinctions, quite out of harmony with the republican institutions which they were fated to establish.

The closing clause of Mason's reply to this letter is peculiarly interesting, as showing to how small a degree had penetrated any wider idea of the destiny of America than that sought to be inculcated by Great Britain, and, also, as clearly proving that, among Washington and his chosen friends, there had not, at that time, arisen any desire beyond that for a reconciliation of differences and a renewal of the relations temporarily interrupted. After expressing approval of the non-importation agreement, as an expedient, Mason says: "I am thoroughly convinced that, justice and harmony happily restored, it is not for the interest of these colonies to refuse British manufactures. Our supplying our mother country with gross materials and taking her manufactures in return, is the true chain of connection between us. These are the bonds, which, if not broken by oppression, must long hold us together by maintaining a constant reciprocation of interest."

It is impossible here to follow the minute history of the events which led up to the Revolution. Among other acts passed by Parliament was that providing that troops, "for the protection of the colonies," dispatched to America in time of peace, should be lodged and maintained at the expense of the colonies to which they were assigned, and another permitting the removal of a citizen of any colony, charged with treason or misprision of treason, to any other colony or to England, for trial. Boston had been, from the beginning of the agitation, regarded by England as a "hotbed of rebellion," and was the first to feel the force of the military billeting On the 28th of September, 1766, in consequence of repeated collisions between the people of Boston and the King's customs officers, two regiments

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of regulars, under General Hood, having been ordered from entered the city, and, there being no quarters provided for the people, some encamped upon the common, some were quar

tered in the State house, and others in Faneuil hall. Cannon were posted

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efore the State house door, and every comer and goer was challenged by sentinels. The Assembly of Massachusetts had been before prorogued, on

account of its strong protests against the action of the crown, and did not again meet until May of the following year. When came the time for reassembling a message was at once sent to the Governor that that body could not, consistently with its dignity, take any action, so long as there was even an apparent military occupation of the capital, and requesting that the troops be withdrawn beyond the limits of the city. This request not being complied with, the Assembly adjourned to Cambridge; the Governor sent a message requiring provision to be made for the maintenance of the troops; compliance was refused, and the body was summarily dissolved. In May, 1769, the Virginia House of Burgesses was convened with great pomp, the King having sent out as Governor Lord Boutetourt, with ample provision for dazzling this aristocratic colony into submission. The first act of that body was to pass a resolution condemning the course adopted for the coercion of Massachusetts; the second to adopt an agreement of non-importation, proposed by Washington. Like the Assembly at Cambridge, the House at Williamsburg was promptly dissolved.

Pending the ripening of events, Washington made an expedition into the valley of the Ohio, to select land for appropriation to the payment of bounties to the soldiers who served in the French war. He undertook this at his private cost, that long deferred justice might be done these men, and set apart lands which were, by his influence, later divided among the survivors.

So matters stood when, on the 5th of September, 1774, the first Conti nental Congress assembled at Philadelphia, in accordance with a plan agreed upon by the various colonial bodies. The Virginia delegation consisted of Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edward Pendleton-truly a magnificent group of men, well worthy the colony which sent them; well fitted to meet the grave emergency of the hour. Every colony, save Georgia, was represented, and as a preliminary measure, it was determined to give each colony a single vote upon any question which might come before the Congress. The solemnity of this most momentous meeting was deepened by the circulation of a report that Boston had been cannonaded by the British fleet, which rumor bore all the weight of truth. The men gathered in the room which may, better than any other, be called the cradle of American liberty, had taken their property, if not their lives, into their hands in so gathering to condemn and oppose the action of Great Britain, and their words and resolutions were such as to leave no doubt that life and property were alike lightly held, as compared with the inestimable right of civil liberty. The first resolution of the Congress was a re-assertion of the principles and protests that had been again and again framed and formulated by local assem blies and committees, and forwarded to the King and Parliament, without

elicited reply or remedy. The second was the adoption of a bill of rights, thus epitomized by Irving: "In this were enumerated their natural rights to the enjoyment of life, liberty and property; and their rights as British. subjects. Among the latter was participation in legislative councils. This they could not exercise through representatives in Parliament. They claimed, therefore, the power of legislating in their provincial assemblies, consenting, however, to such acts of Parliament as might be essential to the regulation of trade; but excluding all taxation, internal or external, for the raising of revenue in America. The common law of England was claimed as a birthright, including the right of trial by a jury of the vicinage; of holding public meetings to consider grievances; and of petitioning the King. The benefits of all such statutes as existed, at the time of the colonization, were likewise claimed, together with the immunities and privileges granted by royal charters, or secured by provincial laws. The maintenance of a standing army in any colony, in time of peace, without the consent of its Legislature, was pronounced contrary to law. The exercise of the legislative power in the colonies, by a council appointed dur ing pleasure by the crown, was declared to be unconstitutional and destructive of the freedom of American legislation."

Then followed a specification of the acts of Parliament passed during the reign of George III., infringing and violating these rights. These were: The sugar act; the stamp act; the two acts for quartering troops; the tea act; the act suspending the New York Legislature; the two acts for the trial in Great Britain of offenses committed in America; the Boston port bill; the act for regulating the government of Massachusetts, and the Quebec act.

"To these grievances, acts, and measures," it was added, "Americans cannot submit, but in hopes their fellow subjects in Great Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have, for the present only, resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures:

"I. To enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement, or association.

"2. To prepare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of British America.

"3. To prepare a loyal address to His Majesty."

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The Congress remained in session fifty-one days; it sat, as has been said, with closed doors; it had no reporters, and, were it not for the official papers promulgated, and the fragmentary statements embodied in the journals of members, the world would have remained forever in ignorance of its proceedings. Of Washington's part in the debates we have no distinct record; he had no independent vote, and the account surviving tells us nothing of the attitude he assumed. Patrick Henry has, however, left

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us an invaluable legacy in these words, spoken to a friend upon his return home: "If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, is by far the greatest orator; but, if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on the floor." So far as Washington is concerned, this statement will readily be accepted as accurate, but Henry did himself an injustice. There exists, in the journal of more than one member, evidence that the first speech of the young Virginian in Congress, closing with the famous words: "I am not a Virginian, but an American," marked him as the most eloquent of his people. Who can say too much in praise of the wisdom, the bravery, the determination and yet the moderation of the body of men which composed that first Congress. The words of a wise and just opponent say more for them than could the warmest encomiums of friends and countrymen. He said in the House of Lords: "When your lordships look at the papers transmitted to us from America; when you consider their decency, firmness, and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause and wish to make it your own. For myself, I must declare and avow that, in the master states of the world, I know not the people or senate, who, in such a complication of difficult circumstances, can stand in preference to the delegates of America assembled in general Congress in Philadelphia."

Gage had, in the meantime, adopted measures even more stringent than before, for the reduction of Boston to order and loyalty. He moved troops out of the city by night and took possession of the powder stored in a public magazine at Charlestown. In the morning a large force of armed colonists assembled, with the declared intention of marching against the city, but better counsels prevailed, and the affair ended with no worse result than the loss of the munitions and the spreading of the false report of the cannonading of Boston, already referred to. In Virginia the war feeling was thoroughly aroused. The independent companies, commonly in existence, were multiplied and increased, and Washington was constantly assailed for advice and counsel. He joined heartily in sympathy with the spirit of resistance, should such course prove necessary, and asserted his readiness to assume command of the Virginia troops in the event of war.

Early in the year 1770 Lord Grafton resigned the portfolio of prime minister of England, and Lord North was named his successor. The latter seems to have appreciated the grave dangers which threatened the English power in America, but not to have comprehended the fact that the matter had been reduced to a conflict for principle, not merely for pecuniary gain. Under his advice, all the duties levied in 1767, save that on tea, were removed -the latter being maintained for the assertion of the right of the crown to tax its colonies. He was urged to relinquish this exception, but said: "The properest time to exert our right to taxation is when the right is refused. To temporize is to yield; and the authority of the mother country, if it

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