in the breasts of those who hastened the disastrous end of this eminent individual, for his death was aggravated by the insulting mode in which it was inflicted; he was dragged to the scene of his sufferings with savage speed, and he was doomed to the infamous punishment allotted to the lowest and most depraved criminals.'

In the same tone are the observations upon the solemn league and covenant; that celebrated association which shook the whole empire, and had a mighty influence in subverting the throne of the Stuarts.

This bond places beyond a doubt the determination of those by whom it was framed to defy even the King himself in attaining the objects which it was designed to secure. Yet Hope, his Majesty's advocate, did not hesitate to give it as his opinion, that it contained nothing inconsistent with the duty of subjects, a fact strikingly evincing how much the spirit of faction can bewilder even the most vigorous minds. The obligation was written and sanctioned, not by parliament, -not by men acting in any official capacity, but by individuals assuming the right of deciding upon the measures of their sovereign, and considering their private judgment as a sufficient warrant for despising his authority. It does not alter the case that the cause was really good,-it might have been quite the reverse; and therefore the vindication of the covenant must be rested, not upon far fetched attempts to reconcile it with loyalty, but upon this great principle, that, when the ends for which all government should be instituted are defeated, the oppressed have a clear right to disregard customary forms, and to assert the privileges without which they would be condemned to the degradation and wretchedness of despotism. In applying the principle to any particular case, the

circumstances must be scrupulously weighed, and there will, almost always, from variety of judgment, or diversity of political sentiments, be different opinions. In the present instance, the bishops, and they who were attached to episcopacy, contended, that the evils upon which the covenanters dwelt, were in a great measure imaginary, or might, without trampling on the prerogative, be removed; whilst the covenanters, and the great body of the nation, were firmly persuaded, that without some mighty effort, the purity of religion would be corrupted, and the most grievous tyranny established. According to various feelings and princiciples, this subject will, probably at at all times, continue to be viewed in opposite lights; and, instead of declaiming upon the patriotism of the enemies to innovation, or on the desire of their opponents to bend their countrymen under the sceptre of the monarch, the judgment upon this interesting event in Scottish history should be formed, by calmly investigating the question, whether there existed danger which nothing less than the resolution to sign the covenant and the bond annexed to it would have averted.

The covenant was, notwithstanding the essential alteration in it which has been noticed, still denominated by its former title, a piece of disingenuity which was not necessary to support the cause, and which afforded its enemies some ground for questioning the integrity of the zealous men by whom it was espoused. It was at length submitted for the approbation or subscription of the people, and the first trial was made in the metropolis. In the church of the Grey Friars an immense multitude assembled. The confession, or covenant, having been read, the Earl of Loudon, in an impressive oration, dwelt upon its vast importance as a bond of union; whilst Henderson, with all the fervour of

zeal,

zeal, and all the effect of popular eloquence, prayed to heaven for a blessing. The feelings of the people were excited, they looked on the covenant as the instrument of their deliverance, -with joyful exclamations they hastened to share in the honour of attaching to it their names; and the spirit thus roused was not without reason considered as affording a pledge that the glorious work of civil and religious liberty would be crowned with success. At this interesting moment, the Archbishop of St Andrews, hearing of the ebullition of popular ardour, was filled with despair, and exclaimed, "Now all that we have been doing these thirty years past is at once thrown down." In most parts of the kingdom, with the same religiou: solemnities as had been practised in Edinburgh, the people emulated the piety and patriotism of the capital,-hailed, with the warmest expressions of delight, the bearers of the covenant, and needed no exhortation to induce them to subscribe. The hearts of the inhabitants of Scotland were thus united in defiance of the party which had resisted innovation; that party saw, and appreciated its strength, and soon followed a line of policy which kindled the flame of civil dissension, and hastened the events which terminated in the melancholy fate of the deluded, but unfortunate monarch. 'Some exceptions, however, to the pervading enthusiasm for the covenant mortified its adherents, whilst they excited their astonishment, and roused their indignation. In Glasgow, several of the ministers shewed no solicitude to subscribe, and even disapproved of the zeal of their brethren. At St Andrews, through the influence of the primate or of the university, the inhabitants displayed no earnestness; whilst, in Aberdeen, the covenant was resisted, and much discussion upon its merits took place. The first embassy to this city proved unsuccessful; and when the covenanters returned to the

charge, and gave a commission to Henderson and Dick to unite with Cant, one of their few partizans in the north, although they did procure many subscriptions, they were not admitted into the churches, and they found that they had to contend with the ingenuity of several respectable members of the university and of the church. These divines asked, by what authority they were required to sign the covenant, as the persons who cal led upon them to do so were not authorized by his Majesty, the Lords of the council, or any national assembly? they complained that the covenant, as now urged, was substantially different from the confession of 1580 and 1581; they maintained, that subscription to it, in its new form, was contrary to their duty of allegiance; and they stated other difficulties, which then, in in the heat of faction, were branded as trifling or fallacious, but which, when coolly examined, are seen to reflect much credit upon the judgment and the moderation of those with whom they originated. Henderson, with his usual ability, replied, but his associates did not trust solely to his arguments; for the Earl of Montrose, who afterwards declared for the King, and perhaps injured him as a friend, as much

as he had done when he was an ene

my, compelled those who were refractory to make a common cause with their brethren. This slight resistance was of much use to the covenanters. It afforded them a pretence for expatiating upon the dangers with which they were surrounded, and for casting out insinuations against the schemes and promises of government; and, by suppressing it, the faction acquired that decided ascendancy, the effects of which are now to be traced.'

In mentioning the death of Henderson, our author endeavours to remove some of the unfavourable impressions which have been entertained with respect to him.

'In Henderson, the church and the kingdom experienced a severe loss.He had, from an early period, acquired a decided ascendancy over ecclesiastical proceedings; and, with considerable learning and great talents, he conjoined a justness of sentiment, and a moderation which, tho' not sufficient to stem the torrent, of ten gave to it a salutary direction.Zealous for his party, and deeply impressed with the importance of setting bounds to the prerogative, he cordial ly joined in the measures requisite for doing so; but there is every reason to believe, that, had his life been preserved, he would have exerted himself to restrain the violent dissensions, and the unchristian practices, which, ere long, disgraced those with whom he had associated; and that he would have gladly contributed to rescue his unfortunate sovereign from the melancholy fate which awaited him.His death was justly lamented by the covenanters. They had been accustomed to venerate him as their guide; they had left to him the choice of the most difficult steps, which, in resist ing episcopal tyranny, they had been compelled to take; his memory was associated with one of the most interesting struggles in which his countrymen had ever been engaged; and they honoured that memory by every expression of esteem; transmitting, by monumental inscriptions, and by solicitude to rescue him from misrepresentation, their deep regret that they were for ever deprived of his assistance, which their critical situation, and the highly agitated state of the public mind, would then have rendered peculiarly important*.'

Heylin, in his History of the Presbyterians, p. 477,-Collier in his Ecclesiastical History, Vol. II. p. 848. upon Heylin's authority, the author of a pamphlet, entitled, "The declaration of Mr Alexander Henderson upon his death-bed;" and Hollingworth in a pamphlet, entitled the Character of King Charles the First, from the declara

He seeks also, though perhaps not quite so successfully, to palliate the conduct of the Scottish parliament in delivering up the King to the English. 'There

tion of Mr A. Henderson, have made the charges against Henderson, or relating to him, which I have mentioned. That they are totally unfounded, the reader will be

satisfied, by consulting the Printed Acts of the General Assembly, 1648, p. 43, 44; a pamphlet written by Lieutenant-General Ludlow, and printed at London 1693, entitled, "Truth brought to light, or the gross forgeries of Dr Hollingworth, &c. detected." Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. II. p. 232; and Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. III. p. 321-324, and Note to p. 323, where the subject is fully discussed. The character of Henderson may be inferred from the various incidents of his life which have been recorded; but, in justice to his reputation, a few testimonies, from writers of different sentiments, I have thought it right to subjoin. Rushworth, Vol. V. Part i. p. 321, speaking of his death, says, "He died about the end of August, much lamented by those of his party, being indeed a person of great learning and abilities, and more moderation than many of them." Collier, Vol. II. p. 848, admits, " that he was a person of learning, elocution, and judgement, and at the top of his party." Baillie, who was intimately acquainted with him, writes, Vol. II. p. 232, "he died as he lived, in great modesty, piety, and faith;" and Bishop Burnet allows, "that he was by much the wisest and

the gravest of them all; that he found he could not moderate the heat of some fiery

spirits; and that when he saw that he could follow them no more, he sunk in body and mind, and soon after died." Hist. of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 44. See also Whitelock's Memorials, p. 221. Ludlow, in his pamphlet above quoted, has preserved the inscriptions upon Henderson's tomb, which

were nearly obliterated in 1662. One of them states, that he was a man truly excellent and divine, famous for all sorts of virtue, but chiefly for piety, learning, and prudence; equally respected by his most serene Majesty and the parliaments of both Kingdoms. The man who has been thus delineated, even by those little friendly to his principles and political conduct, must have been truly respectable, and ought not to be regarded, as he has often, in latter times been as an intemperate enthusiast, and a turbulent incendiary.

'There is no event in the history of Scotland which has been considered as more disgraceful than abandoning the monarch, whom they who did so had sworn to defend. It cannot be urged for them that they were ignorant of the consequences which would result from it; for the persons whom they had sent to London, early perceived that there was an intention to subvert the monarchy, and to doom Charles to imprisonment, or death; whilst the coincidence between the surrender and the receipt of the money, which they had long demanded, gives too much countenance to the opinion, that this money was the price for which the King was basely delivered. Yet it seems unquestionable, that the estates of Scotland were not guided by the mean and unworthy motive thus assigned for their conduct. The debt which was paid was justly due to them, and the mode of paying it had been long a matter of deliberation. What was voted to them was not more than sufficient to defray the expence of maintaining the army, and it would certainly have gone a very short way in gratifying men whom a bribe could corrupt.— The fact seems to be, that the measure so much condemned, naturally resulted from the state of feeling and of opinion which had long prevailed in Scotland: it had been predicted before it happened; and, although it was in many respects unwise, it was perhaps the only measure which could have been safely adopted. The ministers had convinced the people, that, without the King's subscription to the covenant, there was no security for the ecclesiastical polity to which they were warmly attached, but that they would, in all probability, be subjected to an exasperated hierarchy; and they had thus excited a violence of zeal, which even they themselves, had they been inclined to do so, might have been unable to restrain. Had then the estates consented to the

King's return, they would have been assailed by the clergy, and by the party headed by Argyll; they would have been branded as betraying the best interests of their country; and they might have been unable to protect the King from the fury of the multitude. They would also have excited the indignation of the English parliament, and, by kindling the flames of war between the two kingdoms, have defeated the design of ecclesiastical uniformity, for which the solemn league and covenant had been framed. Had not the reception of the King thus been opposed by the most formidable difficulties, they could not have failed to be alarmed at the danger of resigning him; for they were not ignorant that the independents and the sectaries were rapidly gaining the direction of public measures, and that, by entrusting to them the person of the King, they removed the barrier which had most effectually prevented Cromwell and his friends from carrying into practice their antipathy to the presbyterian discipline. In one word, matters were in such a situation, that evils would have resulted from any resolution which could have been taken; and, although it would unquestionably have been more consistent with generous loyalty to welcome his Majesty to Scotland, it is very doubtful whether they would thus have improved his situation, or even prolonged his life*.'

Our

Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. II.

p. 198, 200, 203, 206, 222, 227, 235, 236, 241, 243, and 246. I have quoted these passages, from which it is evident, that

dependents against the King, of the increas Baillie was aware of the designs of the ining influence of the sectaries, and the difficulty which attended any decision of the Scottish estates. Clarendon, Vol. III. Parti p. 373. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 312. Guth

rie's Memoirs, p. 194, 195. He endeavours

to save the honour of his country, by representing the resolution to deliver the King

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Mr