rica, was less in British than in any other vessels. The recent diminution in the number of ships, and the increase of their employment, likewise appeared to him an argument in favour of this bill, and, on the whole, a great advantage. After the war, there was such a superabundance of sailors and of ships, that want of employment became the general complaint among ship-owners. This evil had gradually vanished, and, strange to say, by the sale of many ships to those very foreigners who it was supposed could furnish vessels cheaper than themselves. He might further observe, that the trade of the country had increased within the last few years very considerably. From 1814 to 1822, the number of ships was augmented by 1400, and the amount of tonnage was increased 120,000

tons.

The only solid consideration urged, appears to have been founded on the heavy duties upon the importation of timber, hemp, and all the materials of ship-building; a particular in which the English shipping interest stands certainly at a disadvantage, when compared with that of other nations. The materials of manufacture are, of all others, the most improper object of taxation, and, more particularly, a branch of manufacture so materially affecting the general prosperity of the kingdom, and of all other branches.

The measures thus adopted by Parliament, manifested to Europe the general views upon which Britain was now determined to act, and made an opening towards the adoption of more liberal principles. It was, how ever, only an opening. The great masses of monopoly established by the mercantile system, those bearing.peculiarly the stamp of national antipathy, remained nearly unbroken. The silks, the laces, the cambrics, the wines and brandies of France, were still

loaded with duties imposed not for the purpose of revenue, but of restric tion and monopoly. Upon these objects our commercial reformers cast a wishful, but a timid eye. They were appalled by the deep action which such innovation always must have upon existing interests. A tender and cautious dealing with those interests must certainly mark the career of every wise reformer. But it must not be forgotten, that, by every improved regulation, by every restriction taken off, the interests of individuals must be generally, and to speak plainly, injuriously affected, and that nearly in proportion to the importance of the measure. According to the extent and severity of the prohibition, must be the magnitude of the establishments supported by, and depending upon it. If, therefore, no reforms are to be made by which individuals can suffer, there must be none made at all; there must at least be only piddling and insignificant attempts at reform. To effect anything complete and on a great scale, these enlightened statesmen must prepare themselves to brave extensive, and even well-founded individual complaints. Perhaps they ought in some instances to recommend a compensation out of the general funds of the society. The manufacturers who had embarked their capitals in certain trades, on the faith of legislative regulations, might be entitled to such a compensation; and it might be worth giving, in order to be rid of the system. These evils and difficulties, however, to which enactments are incident, not only in their origin, but in their removal, ought to be a warn ing against them to all states, and more especially to the British state.

An act was also carried through this session for giving greater freedom to the production and sale of the article of beer. This sound and im

portant staple drink of the English labourer, had been loaded not only with heavy duties, but with severe and embarrassing restrictions. Among the least wise of the principles upon which the British legislature has proceeded, has been that of regulating all taxed trades in such a manner as may secure, not the ready production and good quality of the articles, but the facility and certainty of collecting the revenue; to make the former object, in every case of competition, give way to the latter. It had been customary for the brewers to brew three gradations of beer; the intermediate kind of which was that which it was most desirable that the British labourer should drink, being a sound nutritive liquid, with only a moderate tendency to intoxication. However, this connecting link between strong and small beer, afforded a cover under which the former might be produced, and pay only half duty. It therefore pleased the high wisdom of Parliament to enact, that no such beer should be hence forth brewed. The present ministry brought in an act to repeal this pernicions restriction, and allow the intermediate beer to be made. The permission, however, was burdened with restrictions which afforded reasonable ground of complaint. The new beer could be produced only in separate houses, distinct from those in which the strong beer was made. The old brewers, therefore, complained that they would lose part of their present custom, yet could not carry on the new trade without an immense outhay for new premises. Lord Liverpool urged, that if they were to brew on the same premises, it would lead to endless frauds; that an eminent brewer had in fact declared, it would be a temptation more than flesh 'and blood could withstand. The best chance, he also conceived, of secu

ring a good liquor, would be by its being brewed by new men altoge ther. Although much might have been urged against these arguments, they prevailed to get the bill passed. Occasion, however, was taken to make some very just strictures on the pri vilege enjoyed by the rich, who, by brewing their beer at home, were enabled to evade the payment of duty altogether; and it was asked, why the whole duty might not be laid on the malt? by which they would be brought in, and a general liberty, not otherwise attainable, might be given to the beer trade.

Mr Huskisson made also an attempt to liberate the Spitalfields silk trade from a somewhat ridiculous trammel. According to the existing law, the wages of the labourers were not left to be settled by free competition, as in all other trades, but were fixed by the magistrate, on a consideration of the quantity of work performed. The subject was first introduced to the House by Mr T. Wilson, on presenting a petition from a number of the manufacturers, praying that this absurd arrangement might be abolished, and wages be settled in the silk manufacture, as they were in every other trade. Mr Huskisson cordially welcomed the motion, and undertook to bring in a bill calculated to meet the wishes of the petitioners. Assurances came from all sides of the House of a determination to support it. It appeared, that in of this regulation, the manufacture, which was making the most rapid progress at Coventry, Manchester, and other English towns, and that the import of silk had risen in value from 100,000l. to 200,000l., had remained at Spitalfields almost stationary.When the bill was brought in, however, the operative weavers took the alarm, and presented strong repre

consequence

sentations against a measure which, no doubt, tended to lower their immediate wages, though it also limited the employment. Thus, however, the bill assumed an aspect of favouring the rich against the poor, and there mustered against it at once, the adherents of all old arrangements, and the courters of popular favour. Mr Buxton, who at the first mention had pledged his support, now took the lead among those who called at least for delay. Its immediate passing, therefore, was carried by a majority of only 68 to 60. In the House of Lords, it was favourably reported on by the committee, and decidedly supported by Lord Liverpool; but the powerful voice of the Chancellor was raised against it, and was se

conded by Lord Harrowby. The fact of its diminishing the extent of manufacture, and preventing its growth within the precincts of London, was admitted; but it was urged that this was a good; that London was already larger than could be wished, and that such an overgrown capital was by no means an eligible theatre for a great establishment of this nature. There may be something in this; but it seems a point not coming properly under legislative control, and which should be left to be settled by individual convenience. This opposition, however, retarded the proceedings, and led to discussions and inquiries which protracted the measure unde cided to the close of the session.

1

ANONG the constitutional changes at present agitated, the foremost, in point of importance, is that of parliament ary reform, which tends to modify the very basis on which the constitution rests. Although the number of its votaries was experiencing a gradual increase, it is still, when brought forward as an annual motion, certain of being negatived, and with out the possibility of anything very new or striking being argued for or against. Thus the debate of this year passed by, without exciting any peculiar interest; and the leading speakers, especially on the ministerial side, did not even descend into the arena. After a number of petitions had been presented, Lord John Russell, on the 24th April, brought forward his motion. Among the circumstances which this year gave additional weight to the cause, he mentioned that a document, the like of which had never been before laid on the table, had been last night presented from Yorkshire, signed by no less a number than 17,000 of the resident

freeholders of that great and popu lous county. It was, besides, a matter of notoriety, that meetings for reform had been held in various districts of the county, while the great and intelligent inhabitants of the city of Edinburgh had petitioned for the extension of the elective franchise to themselves. Among the difficulties of his situation, he felt a peculiar one that was applicable to this question, he might say, solely-that was, that his motion had arrayed against it an unanimous cabinet. Differing, as they did, on almost every question of domestic or of foreign policy, there was one feeling in which they were firmly united, namely, that it was essential to their government to be sup ported by the means of corruption. He might be allowed to add, that the very right honourable gentleman (Mr Canning,) from whose speeches the tone was given to all the anti-reform speeches throughout the country, was now the leader in his Majesty's coun cils, and in that House what was improperly, but very truly, called its

manager. It was easy to find ingenious arguments to justify any abuse; but now that the right honourable Secretary would have visible proofs of the present system-when he would be called upon to bestow a peerage upon one, an office of great emolument upon another, lesser rewards upon a third, the measure of all being regulated by the number of seats that each could appoint,-with such facts before him, and disgusted by such abuses, the right honourable Secretary would renounce the odious system, and fix the power of his government on the manly support of an enlightened people, supported by an honest Parliament. He wished that the House of Commons should represent the sense of the people; yet when he said that, let him not be misunderstood; let no opponent to parliamentary reform act under the impression that the House of Commons ought to be the mere echo of the public voice-that it should Auctuate from day to day with its varying impulses. All those who supported the principle of reform which he advocated, agreed in the necessity of having a certain distinction in the electors, which gave a security for a proper choice, and that a certain time should be allowed to the elected, in order to ascertain the measure best calculated to promote the public interests. We wish that the people should have that security under which they might repose the necessary confidence in their representatives; but we abjure all modes which gave the weight and character of a popular re presentation to the nominees of the crown and the House of Lords. Taking the limited state of the elective rights, as admitted by all sides, it did appear, that 290 members of that House, out of 513 of the representa tives of Great Britain, were returned by not more than 17,000 electors.

When, then, it was considered, that in places where the electors, though amounting to 60 or 70,were but puppets in the hands of one, it was evident that a great majority was returned by less than 17,000 persons; at all events, not by a greater number than had signed the reform petition from Yorkshire. What he had to propose was similar to what he submitted to the House last year, namely, that 100 members should be added to the counties and large towns, and that the smaller boroughs should be disfranchised. If any person proposed a measure similar to one of Mr Pitt's, that the electors in those boroughs should give up their rights on compensation, he would support it, if it were so framed that it could become soon and decidedly serviceable, by the smaller boroughs surrendering their franchises within a short period. He was willing to sacrifice a certain portion of money in pursuance of an object which must eventually operate a great saving to the nation. By the present Parliament many millions had been lavished, and he was willing to throw away an additional million to secure the rest of our treasure by the check of an honest representation. Was it to be considered an antidote to the evils of a corrupt government, that there was the opinion of an enlightened people condemning everything which the government did(Hear, hear!)-that there was a power in the nation which at length obtained by clamour and noise some reparation for the injuries of the community? It appeared to him that such a system, instead of being a wise one, was one of the worst and most absurdly constructed, that could possibly be. Public opinion was, no doubt, very strong. It could correct some faults; but the more strong was, the more exaggerated its power was, the more necessary it was that